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In Pennsylvania, an influx of college graduates could push a key county toward Harris

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In Pennsylvania, an influx of college graduates could push a key county toward Harris


BELLEFONTE, Pa. (AP) — It was love at first sight when Ellen Matis pulled up to this small Pennsylvania borough on a dreary winter day almost eight years ago. The road into town curved along the creek and then climbed uphill to a historic square where she chatted with regulars over beers at the local pub.

“This is where we need to live,” she decided. Matis’ sister-in-law, who grew up in the area, was shocked. She remembered Bellefonte as a sleepy place with vacant storefronts and a drug problem so notorious that people sometimes overdosed in front of the courthouse.

But Matis, 33, saw potential in the town’s quaint brick buildings and scenic foothold in the Allegheny Mountains just a short drive from Pennsylvania State University. She settled in, started a social media marketing company and had two daughters with her husband.

“People are excited for change and what the future holds,” Matis said.

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Matis’ journey to Bellefonte is one small measure of a larger evolution that’s reshaping the politics of Centre County, which is home to about 160,000 people in the middle of Pennsylvania, and could tilt this year’s closely fought presidential election.

The area has long been divided between the liberal university town of State College, which anchors the region, and the conservative hamlets that surround it. But now the blue dot is expanding as college-educated people spread throughout Centre County, drawn by the lower cost of living, more relaxed lifestyle and economic development that has breathed new life into depleted blue-collar communities.

A college degree means more Democratic voters

Last year, 47.6% of county residents had a four-year college degree or more, up from 39.4% a decade ago. Because education levels tend to track partisan affiliation, Democrats have an increasing edge in a part of the state that has historically swung back and forth between the two parties. While in no way assured, the shift means Democratic nominee Kamala Harris could run up margins in small towns far from the big cities of Philadelphia and Pittsburgh, which traditionally get far more attention from presidential campaigns.

Harris’ potential strength here reflects an ongoing tectonic realignment in American politics, with Republicans expanding their outreach to the working class and Democrats relying more on upwardly mobile, college-educated people.

In Centre County, that means Republican nominee Donald Trump remains appealing to voters who feel like their communities haven’t benefited from the area’s changes. But places like Bellefonte are trending blue, backing Joe Biden four years ago after supporting Trump four years before that, and voters with more optimistic views, like Matis, are lining up behind Harris.

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“She makes you feel hopeful,” Matis said. “I want a clean slate.”

The changing demographics in Centre County have already had an impact on local politics. Although control of the board of commissioners used to switch every election, it’s been reliably Democratic for almost a decade.

The county’s leaders are also pursuing a new development plan that’s intended to diversify its economy beyond the university and attract even more people to the region.

“We have that solid rock in Penn State,” said Mark Higgins, chair of the county board of commissioners. “This is more than just Penn State now.”

What to know about the 2024 Election

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Several hotels are slated to open in the coming years. There’s a new hospital and another one is expanding. The population is expected to increase while Pennsylvania is losing residents overall. There are fresh attractions like arts festivals and an Ironman triathlon.

Higgins said Centre County’s growth is partially fueled by “boomerangs,” meaning people who grew up in the area or went to school at Penn State and then move back to raise their family there.

“It’s Wobegon,” he said, “except it’s real.”

Much like other areas of the country, inflation and the rising cost of living have been challenges, but the impact is felt differently. People who are weary of expensive big cities are moving to State College, and people who can’t afford State College are moving to the surrounding area. It’s an economic chain reaction that means there are more liberal-minded people in more towns around the county.

People are ‘boomeranging’ back to Centre County

Derek and Lauren Ishler are the quintessential boomerang couple. They met while attending Penn State, and lived for several years in Alexandria, Virginia. But before having their two daughters, they relocated to State College to be close to their families.

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“It’s grown but we still have that small-town feel,” Derek said. “We’re happy here.”

Derek, 42, does financial work for a logistics company and Lauren, 41, is an elementary school teacher. Both are voting for Harris.

“What world do I want my kids to grow up in?” he asked. “One is fear, fear, fear. The other is, ‘hey, let’s work together.’”

On a recent Friday night, they were in Bellefonte for an annual festival, where local vendors served gourmet food in a park under string lights while a band played nearby.

Stacy and Marc Counterman brought their five-month-old son in his stroller. They moved to town three years ago because Marc, 31, got a job as an academic adviser at Penn State.

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They were so excited that they bought their house without seeing it in person, worried it would be snatched up before they arrived. Both of them are voting for Harris.

“She’s fighting for families,” said Stacy, 33, who works for an education nonprofit. “I’m hopeful she’ll fight for us.”

The ideological reshuffling is tied to State College, where the university is located. Some residents relocate there from what they call “Trump country” to be closer to the institution and its culture.

Alex Sterbenz, 31, came from Burnham, which is in the next county over.

“I figured it made sense to move here, instead of just coming up every weekend,” said Sterbenz, who works in a local music store and plays honkytonk songs on his 2021 Gretsch White Falcon. He tries not to talk politics with his friends and family back home.

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But State College isn’t just attracting people; it’s also exerting a gravitational pull on surrounding towns.

Zeb Smoyer, 23, grew up in Bellefonte, where he joined the Boy Scouts and hunted whitetail deer. Like a lot of teenagers, he couldn’t wait to get out of town. But after he went to college elsewhere in Pennsylvania and spent some time traveling, he decided “Bellefonte is not a bad place.”

Now he lives there and works for an engineering company, which he helps comply with environmental regulations as it lays pipes for turning farmlands into housing developments. Smoyer hasn’t made up his mind about the election, but he previously voted for Biden.

The area is anchored by Penn State and its students

Ezra Nanes, the Democratic mayor of State College, said there’s been more overlap between his town and the surrounding area.

“You see an expansion of the university community and economy,” he said. “It touches all parts of the county.”

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Nanes’ own journey to Centre County parallels the shifts in the region. A New York native, he was ready to make a change in his life and applied to Penn State’s MBA program. He moved to State College 14 years ago with his wife and baby daughter.

They fell in love with the community and the natural environment — “you can be in the mountains in 15 minutes,” he said — and never left. They now have two children. Nanes works at AccuWeather, a forecasting company, and his wife is a physical therapist who started her own business focused on women’s health.

Nanes was a delegate at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, and he hopes “we can help run up the score here.”

“There’s a lot of focus on the big cities,” he said. “But this is an important place if you want to win.”

One challenge is engaging Penn State’s expansive student population.

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“We’re not exactly known for having a very deep political involvement, which is a shame,” said Baybars Charkas, president of the Penn State College Democrats. Charkas calls Penn State “probably the most powerful university in the United States at the current moment” given its size and location in a key battleground state. Roughly 48,000 students are enrolled at the school’s State College campus.

Graduate student Sydney Robinson started her own organization dedicated to supporting Harris. Members make friendship bracelets to promote their candidate and send text messages to rally potential voters.

Robinson, who is applying to law school, is hopeful about the future.

“We just have so many opportunities,” she said. “We’re at a crucial turning point in history, but it’s exciting.”

She’s earned the nickname “voter girl” because she tries to always carry registration forms; she gets three or four people to sign up each week.

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The Harris campaign has four staff members in Centre County, including a dedicated campus organizer, and said they’ve knocked on more than 9,000 doors and made more than 80,000 phone calls. They’re also advertising on radio stations to catch voters while commuting in and out of State College.

Trump’s campaign did not provide figures on voter outreach. But Kush Desai, the Trump campaign’s Pennsylvania spokesman, said his team is attending college football tailgates and focusing on appealing to male voters to cut into Harris’ support within the educated electorate.

Some of the effort focuses on the economy, with the traditional question of, “Are you better off now than you were four years ago?” Desai also suggested that Democrats have shifted too far left on cultural issues.

“I think there’s just a natural backlash here,” he said, and men “are starting to chip away and come to our side instead.”

Ryan Klein, president of the Penn State College Republicans, said the campus leans left but conservatives aren’t as outnumbered as many think. He pointed to strong turnout at last month’s event with Trump supporter Charlie Kirk, who runs Turning Point, an organization focused on rallying young right-leaning voters.

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On most days, “there aren’t a lot of people who want to go out of their way to proudly don the red hat,” Klein said, but hundreds wore “Make America Great Again” paraphernalia that day.

The county’s economic progress remains uneven

Republicans are much stronger in some of the rural areas surrounding State College that haven’t seen the same kind of development as Bellefonte.

One of those places is Philipsburg, with a postage-stamp-sized downtown where vacant storefronts remain common.

“It has potential,” said Brittney Tekely, 31. “It’s a cute little town. It just needs help.”

She saved up money to start her own barbershop there while working as a stylist during the day and in a Wal-Mart distribution warehouse at night. Tekely painted and decorated the place herself with model cars and other trinkets that she picked up at antique stores. She even went all the way to Niagara Falls to buy an old-fashioned cash register that dings loudly when opened. Her three dogs — Digger, Roxie and Mister Skunk — come to work with her and hang out in the back, where they bark when someone opens the front door.

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But Tekely doesn’t see the same care being put into the rest of the town, saying, “There are buildings that no one is fixing up or tearing down.” She isn’t sure if she’ll vote this year, and many of her customers are vocal Republicans.

“They just go on and on and on,” Tekely said. “You’ve got to keep your two cents to yourself.”

Some of them, she said, “truly think if Trump becomes president again it will help the country and help prices.”

The town backed Trump over Biden four years ago, and there’s less of the optimism that characterizes Bellefonte’s renaissance.

Thomas Gette, 77, lives a few blocks from downtown with a Trump sign on the curb outside the front door. He’s retired after spending four decades as the manager of a local hardware store, and he just finished repainting his house.

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Gette said voting for the Republican candidate is “a no-brainer,” especially with all the concerns about uncontrolled migration.

“Something has got to give,” he said, adding that if Trump doesn’t win, “I can’t imagine what it’s going to be like.”

In Gette’s mind, changes in the area have sapped the town of jobs and money.

“There were mines everywhere and the railroads were everywhere,” Gette said, and he’s worried that the transition away from fossil fuels is happening too fast.

And now, how would he describe Philipsburg?

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“Pretty stagnant,” he said.





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Pennsylvania company builds goals for US Soccer, FIFA World Cup matches

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Pennsylvania company builds goals for US Soccer, FIFA World Cup matches


QUAKERTOWN, Pa. (WPVI) — When the world’s top soccer players take the field in Philadelphia, the goals they aim for will have already been crafted in Pennsylvania.

Kwik Goal, a family-run company based in Quakertown, is the official goal maker for U.S. Soccer and supplies equipment for the FIFA World Cup.

Inside the company’s test area, workers check the strength of nets and frames.

President and CEO Anthony Caruso says the goal shown in the testing zone is the same model that will be used during the tournament.

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Kwik Goal has been building soccer equipment for decades, but its story began far from Pennsylvania.

Caruso said the company started 30 years ago on Long Island, New York, when his uncle needed a portable goalpost for coaching.

“My uncle had the need for a portable goalpost. He was coaching my youngest cousin,” Caruso said.

His father stepped in to help.

“My father took out a tape measure. He went to a tube house, bought some pieces of aluminum, made this gold frame, and scrounged up a net somewhere,” he said. “And I was in welding school, and I could weld aluminum. So this prototype was built, and my uncle took it out to the field.”

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The company later moved to Pennsylvania.

“Here we are today. We moved here in November of ’88 after being on Long Island from our inception. And we’ve been here ever since,” said Caruso.

Today, Kwik Goal operates out of four buildings and produces about 7,000 goals each year.

Its reputation for quality led to a partnership with the U.S. men’s national team three decades ago, followed by the U.S. women’s national team.

“We supply all their training sites, and actually, the new facility that they just built in Georgia, we did all the equipment for that,” Caruso said.

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The World Cup, however, is the company’s biggest stage. In addition to manufacturing the FIFA game-day goals, Kwik Goal also produces the portable and pre-game models used throughout the tournament.

“This is a portable goal that mimics the game goals here, that are on the practice fields and what they’ll be using at the 60 training sites,” Caruso said. “And then this goal here that we have in the back is actually what we call a pre-game goal. So when they warm the teams up before the tournament, the day of the game on the field, before that, before the game, they actually bring this goal out.”

For employees, seeing their work on the global stage is a career highlight.

“Well, it is the pinnacle of my career,” one worker said.

“There’s a great amount of pride here at Quick Goal, and everybody who’s been here. We have a lot of long-term employees, and they’re just thrilled to be a part of this project,” said Caruso.

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From peace talks to Pennsylvania: Trump visiting Mack Truck facility

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From peace talks to Pennsylvania: Trump visiting Mack Truck facility


President Donald Trump is going to a Mack Truck facility in a battleground district in swing state Pennsylvania Tuesday, shifting attention to the U.S. economy in his first major public event beyond the capital since he signed an interim agreement to end the Iran war.

Trump’s trip to the Allentown-area business comes as he works to try to put the conflict — and the higher gasoline prices it caused — in the rearview mirror as November midterm elections draw closer.

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It’s the president’s fifth second-term visit to Pennsylvania, a key state whose support in 2016 and 2024 helped him to the White House. The Macungie, Pennsylvania, facility is in the 7th Congressional District, where incumbent Republican Rep. Ryan Mackenzie faces Democratic challenger Bob Brooks in November.

The visit comes amid rising prices that could color the verdict voters render on Trump’s stewardship in the fall. About one-third of U.S. adults approved of Trump’s approach to the economy, according to a June Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research poll. That’s in line with last month for Trump on the issue.

The Iran war, which began Feb. 28, has also been a politically difficult issue for the president. Most Americans continued to disapprove of his handling of Iran, according to the June AP-NORC poll, which was being fielded as Trump announced a tentative deal with Iran and concluded just before the interim agreement was signed last week. It found about two-thirds, 65%, of U.S. adults disapprove of how the president is handling issues with Iran, unchanged from May.

Still, while most Democrats and independents view Trump’s actions negatively, only about 3 in 10 of Republicans are unhappy.

Support from districts like the one he’s visiting Tuesday are pivotal to Republicans holding narrow control of the House, where a loss could hobble the president’s final two years in office. Mackenzie, a freshman lawmaker, is looking to hold onto a district Democrats have targeted to flip. Brooks, president of the state firefighters’ union, has support from Democratic Gov. Josh Shapiro, who’s also seeking reelection this year.

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Trump’s predecessor, Democrat Joe Biden, also visited the Mack Truck facility to highlight regulations aimed at promoting manufacturing jobs. Manufacturing employment peaked in 1979 at nearly 19.6 million jobs. It trended downward after the 2001 recession and the 2007-09 Great Recession. The figure now stands at 12.6 million as of May, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

The visits underscore Pennsylvania’s status as a crucial swing state.

Trump visited Mount Pocono in December to road test messages that he’s addressing affordability; in July 2025, he was in Pittsburgh to tout tens of billions of dollars of recent energy and technology investments in the state; in June 2025, he was in West Mifflin to tell steelworkers he was doubling the tariff on steel imports to protect the industry; and in March 2025 he attended the NCAA wrestling championship in Philadelphia.



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Records show watchdog’s elder abuse probe kept secret as Shapiro’s office claims confidentiality

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Records show watchdog’s elder abuse probe kept secret as Shapiro’s office claims confidentiality


Spotlight PA is an independent, nonpartisan, and nonprofit newsroom producing investigative and public-service journalism that holds power to account and drives positive change in Pennsylvania. Sign up for our free newsletters.

HARRISBURG — For nearly two years, the Shapiro administration has refused to say whether a state watchdog under the governor’s jurisdiction investigated Pennsylvania’s network of agencies that are supposed to help older adults who are abused and neglected.

However, records show state investigators produced a report and provided it to the governor’s office well over two years ago.

In an email obtained by Spotlight PA, a staffer for the governor’s office wrote that investigators with the Office of State Inspector General produced a report stemming from a probe into the Department of Aging and provided it to Gov. Josh Shapiro in early 2024.

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The report’s findings are a mystery. Shapiro has not released it publicly, and a spokesperson said such reports are “confidential.” However, previous governors have released to the public findings from some of the inspector general’s probes.

Shapiro’s predecessor, Democrat Tom Wolf, publicized an investigative report in 2018 stemming from a near-identical probe by the inspector general into the aging department that exposed significant problems. The public airing led to legislative hearings, as well as major changes at the department, which monitors the quality of older adult abuse and neglect investigations.

The secrecy makes it impossible to know what problems, if any, the latest probe uncovered in the state’s ability to protect older adults from harm.

The Shapiro administration’s reluctance to even acknowledge the report also trains the spotlight anew on the inspector general’s work and how much of it the public has the right to scrutinize.

Shapiro’s office did not dispute the existence of a report on the Department of Aging. But it declined to answer specific questions, including whether it provided a copy to the department so that the agency could address any potential problems raised by investigators. (An aging spokesperson said the department has not seen a copy, but stopped short of saying that it was unaware of the contents.)

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Shapiro spokesperson Rosie Lapowsky wrote in an email that the inspector general’s investigative reports are “confidential” and aren’t released publicly to “protect the integrity of the investigation and the employees who may have participated in it.”

Lapowsky did not respond when asked to pinpoint the section of the law that says these reports must remain confidential. Neither did a spokesperson with the inspector general’s office.

The Office of State Inspector General, or OSIG, is one of Pennsylvania’s lesser-known investigative agencies, despite the fact that it has substantive law enforcement powers.

It was created in 1987 by executive order to perform investigations and make the governor and heads of executive agencies aware of problems or deficiencies in agency programs, operations, and contracting. In 1994, the office also began investigating welfare fraud and conducting collection activities for public benefits programs administered by the Department of Human Services, according to the state’s website.

In 2017, lawmakers passed legislation, signed into law, that memorialized the office in statute, meaning it would no longer be subject to executive orders that governors could potentially rescind. It also gave OSIG law enforcement powers, including the ability to issue subpoenas and search warrants. The office’s Bureau of Special Investigations can launch probes based on complaints from private individuals, state employees, or state officials. In some instances, the office can initiate its own investigations.

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Spotlight PA spoke with four former Department of Aging employees who were interviewed — some of them multiple times — by the inspector general’s office in 2023, the year Shapiro took office.

They said investigators looked into what changes had been made in the wake of the report released in 2018. For instance, the office asked whether and how the department had strengthened its oversight of the 52 county aging agencies that conduct abuse and neglect investigations into older adults. It also requested data collected by the department on whether those county agencies were complying with state regulations to minimize or eliminate the risk of harm for the state’s most vulnerable older adults.

Two of the four people who spoke to Spotlight PA said they also told investigators they believed they were being targeted for retaliation by the Shapiro administration for speaking out about problems with the department’s oversight of older adult protective services.

Spotlight PA has spent the past two years investigating the state of those services. Through its series “Unprotected,” the newsroom exposed serious faults and deficiencies in how counties investigate abuse and neglect allegations, including taking too long to conduct investigations — potentially leaving older adults at risk — and flatly rejecting certain possible cases for investigation.

The news organization has also reported on concerns that despite these lapses, the Shapiro administration has relaxed its oversight of the counties — a criticism that Aging Secretary Jason Kavulich, appointed by Shapiro in 2023, has repeatedly rejected.

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Earlier this year, Spotlight PA sought several years’ worth of emails from the Department of Aging through a public records request. The department provided more than 1,000 pages of records — in many cases, redacting large portions of the email chains.

In one of those emails, dated Feb. 13, 2025, two members of Shapiro’s communications team discussed how to respond to an upcoming Spotlight PA story on a Philadelphia woman with dementia who died after her local aging agency took months to investigate her case.

In the email chain, a deputy press secretary in Shapiro’s office noted that the news organization had asked about the status of the 2023 inspector general’s investigation, writing: “For your awareness, [Spotlight PA] also asked us and OSIG about an OSIG report into Aging that the gov received in early 2024.”

The next line in the message is redacted, but the deputy press secretary closed the email by saying that Shapiro’s main spokesperson was handling the matter but that “I wanted to flag because I am sure it’ll be part of this story.”

At the time, the Shapiro administration did not publicly respond to questions about the inspector general’s investigation into the department, including whether a report was authored and whether the governor had seen it. The administration has continued to refuse to answer questions about it.

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Kavulich previously told Spotlight PA that he was interviewed by the inspector general’s office and that he was informed at the time their questions were “related” to the prior probe that resulted in the 2018 report. He said he did not know if a report was produced.

“I have never seen a report. I have no knowledge of a report,” Kavulich said in a March 2025 interview.

Later that year, he again denied knowledge of the report during testimony before a state Senate committee.

And in a statement this week, aging spokesperson Karen Gray said in an email: “No one at the Department of Aging has received or reviewed a copy of any OSIG report in 2023, 2024, 2025, or 2026.”

Public versus secret

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The 2017 law that codified the inspector general’s office is silent on whether reports stemming from the agency’s investigations are required to remain confidential. In fact, it says the office has the power to issue public reports, and has to produce annual reports to the legislature that include information on its investigations and specific recommendations for improving state agencies or programs.

But those yearly reports are light on details — describing the inspector general’s mission and work in broad strokes — particularly when it comes to the office’s special investigations into state agency programs. The reports provide the most detail about the office’s work rooting out fraud in public assistance benefits and efforts to get restitution from individuals who try to game the system.

Neither the 2023-24 nor the 2024-25 annual reports to the legislature reference the inspector general’s investigation into the aging department or the subsequent report provided to the governor’s office.

The inspector general’s office did not answer questions about why some investigative reports are shared with the public while others are kept secret. What is certain is that shielding such reports has created controversy over the years.

In 2017, for instance, Wolf was criticized by some in the Capitol for refusing to make public an inspector general report involving allegations that his onetime lieutenant governor, Mike Stack, and Stack’s wife had verbally abused and mistreated state employees assigned to work for them.

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In 2011, then-Gov. Tom Corbett kept secret a biting inspector general’s report, obtained a year later by the Philadelphia Inquirer, that exposed the lax work habits of several administrative law judges for the state’s Liquor Control Board. And in 2012, the inspector general produced a report, also never made public, detailing serious allegations that top LCB officials accepted gifts from the agency’s vendors and other businesses with an interest in liquor regulation. That report, also later obtained by The Inquirer, led to a probe by the State Ethics Commission.

On the flip side, past administrations have made public a number of investigative reports or summaries over the years, and those are available for viewing on the inspector general’s website. They include a report that examined the Wolf administration’s bungling of a statewide referendum that would provide legal recourse to survivors of child sexual abuse and another examining a cheating scandal at the Pennsylvania State Police academy.

BEFORE YOU GO … If you learned something from this article, pay it forward and contribute to Spotlight PA at spotlightpa.org/donate. Spotlight PA is funded by foundations and readers like you who are committed to accountability journalism that gets results.





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