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The royal hotel creating a buzz on Morocco’s Mediterranean coast

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The royal hotel creating a buzz on Morocco’s Mediterranean coast

Even in the off-season there are 450 immaculately turned out members of staff at the Royal Mansour on Morocco’s Mediterranean coast. They pander to the needs of the guests housed in just 55 suites and villas and wear, by my reckoning, 17 distinct styles of uniform.

The butlers have crisp beige suits, the waiters green silk blouses, and the man who drives the luggage cart dazzles in a bright red uniform with matching cap. There are special outfits, mostly in understated colours, for the concierge staff, the engineers, the various ranks of housekeepers, as well as for those who deliver room service.

The mystery is: where are they all hiding? You can stroll along the beautiful sandy beach picking up vibrant-coloured shells, or cycle along the swept paths through the hotel’s lovely manicured gardens, and think yourself virtually alone. A few greeters and gardeners (in their own rustic outfits) are dotted about, but there’s no one shuttling between the lobby and the sand-coloured villas. Even the private butlers appear to be invisible, popping up as if by magic only when their discreet services are required.

It is only later that I solve the riddle of the disappearing staff. Beneath the hotel complex is a secret network of tunnels. Out of sight and out of earshot, members of staff flit along in vehicles beneath the surface, rising in dedicated lifts to deliver champagne and trays of Moroccan sweets, to plump pillows and to arrange the poolside towels just-so. It is not so much upstairs-downstairs as overground-underground.

Hotel loungers overlooking the Plage de M’Diq
A door to one of the hotel rooms
A traditional door to one of the suites

If it is service fit for a king, that is no coincidence. The hotel is owned by Mohammed VI, Morocco’s monarch since 1999. In 2010 he opened the Royal Mansour in Marrakech — a no-expense-spared celebration of Moroccan craftsmanship, newly built but with swathes of intricate zellij mosaics and traditional hand-sculpted plasterwork. Rather than rooms, its guests stay in their own private riads, arranged in a sort of simulacrum of the medina. Some visitors have found an eeriness in the way the real city’s colour and chaos have been substituted for jasmine-scented silence, but the hotel has been a hit, drawing a string of celebrities and commanding room rates that rarely dip below £1,300 per night.

Map of Morocco, highlighting the Royal Mansour Tamuda Bay and nearby areas such as Tangier and Tetouan

In April this year a second Royal Mansour opened, a marble-lined tower in the country’s economic and financial hub, Casablanca. And now the royal hotel group has launched its first beach hotel, here at Tamuda Bay. The king is unlikely actually to stay — he has a rather nice beachside pad-cum-palace right next door — but friends and members of his extended family were apparently frequent visitors in the run-up to the official opening last month.

If the movements of the staff are a well-kept secret so, in its way, is Morocco’s Mediterranean coast, at least outside the kingdom. With the Rif mountains arcing in the background, it extends for almost 400km, from the Spanish enclave of Ceuta all the way to the Algerian border in the east.

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Though the Atlantic coast, and towns such as Essaouira, Agadir, Oualidia and Taghazout, are better known internationally, the stretch of Mediterranean coastline around the Royal Mansour and the little town of M’diq turns out to be where the country’s jet-set spend their summers, eating the local sardines in beachside restaurants and feeding the wild boars which come down from the wooded hillsides.

Modern four-poster bed surrounded by high-quality wooden furniture
One of the bedrooms, featuring typically muted colours
Picture of four white sunloungers under two large parasols beside a swimming pool with palm trees in the background
The hotel’s swimming pool

By October, when I visit, the king and his retinue have moved on, the boars are gone and the hullabaloo has quelled. Yet the temperature is still a glorious 27 degrees and the sky and ocean — at least during my stay — are improbable shades of uninterrupted blue. Only a three-hour flight from London, plus a 90-minute drive from Tangier airport in the hotel’s electric car, it makes for a viable winter getaway (especially given rates remain far below those of the Marrakech property).

I arrive at night and am golf-carted to my room. The hotel’s complex stretches a good half-mile along a wide private beach of fine sand. In the morning, the ocean is a leisurely 60-second walk away, assuming one is not waylaid by the swimming pool.

A series of low-rise buildings each house between four and eight suites; the seven villas are spread out for seclusion with their beach area further hidden by sand dunes. If walking to the main lobby seems too far, guests can go by golf-cart (courtesy of the man in red) or cycle. Wherever you abandon your bike, it mysteriously winds up next to your suite again, as if delivered by invisible pixies.

Junction in an old Arabic city at a very hot and sunny time of day, featuring white walls with brightly coloured painted patterns, and the colourful arched door to a mosque
The entrance to a mosque in Tétouan, a city about 20 minutes’ drive from the hotel © Alamy
A Middle Eastern marketplace, with some stalls selling fruit and veg, others selling material, others selling clothes and household items
Street market in the Ensanche district of Tétouan © Alamy
Picturesque Moorish arches in the medina of a North African town
The Moorish architecture in Tétouan, where the medina is a Unesco World Heritage Site © Getty

Though the decor is opulent, the tile work and woven carpets are in muted, rather soothing, colours. In the day, the light against the crisp lines of the hotel buildings’ walls has a stark, David Hockney quality. As the sun sets, the blues and beiges blur into the ocean, the sand and the purplish night air.

The hotel has multiple restaurants (including one Spanish, one French and one Italian) and a huge spa on two floors offering both therapeutic and hedonistic treatments. Children are welcome. Those aged four to 12 can be deposited in a kids club, almost as tastefully decorated as the adult quarters, where they are entertained, according to the hotel bumf, with calligraphy, music and cooking lessons — and no doubt with video games and cartoons when their parents’ backs are turned.

One day, I take a tour to the nearby walled city of Tétouan, a 25-minute drive away and about 40km south of the Strait of Gibraltar. Home to about 380,000 and a medina that is a Unesco World Heritage Site, it is an unexpected gem. In the second century BC, the region’s first inhabitants traded with Phoenicians and were later colonised by Romans and Berbers, but the city’s modern history began in the 15th century when it was settled by Muslims and Jews from Andalusia. When the last Moriscos were expelled from Spain between 1609 and 1614, many came to Tétouan, which is sometimes known as “Granada’s daughter”. In 1913, it became the capital of the Spanish Protectorate of northern Morocco, which lasted a little over 40 years.

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An outdoor dining area in the grounds of a Mediterranean hotel, with tables under large parasols, and seats around a cooking station, with two chefs in it
The Pool Beach, the hotel’s casual all-day restaurant; its menu is overseen by the celebrated Spanish chef Quique Dacosta

Today it is a pleasant place to walk around, a curious mix of art deco in eye-dazzling white, heavy Andalusian doors and Moroccan riads, with their courtyard gardens. Spanish cafés selling bocadillos and strong black coffee sit side by side with outlets offering sweet cakes and syrupy mint tea. The maze-like medina, with its Jewish and Muslim quarters, is a mini-Marrakech, arguably more interesting because less touristic.

Morocco is starting to market the Mediterranean coast abroad and several grand hotels have opened on this stretch of coastline, including the St Regis and the Ritz-Carlton. But if your idea of luxury is an invisible retinue of underground staff and a monarch as an occasional next door neighbour, then there is probably only one choice.

David Pilling is the FT’s Africa editor

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David Pilling was a guest of the Royal Mansour Tamuda Bay (royalmansour.com), where double rooms start from Dh4,500 (£350) per night; villas sleeping seven cost from Dh52,000 per night. There are direct flights to Tangier from numerous European cities, including London, Paris, Madrid, Brussels and Rome

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With the white nationalist group Patriot Front, what you see is not what you get

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With the white nationalist group Patriot Front, what you see is not what you get

Members of the group Patriot Front ride the subway as a commuter looks on, in Washington, D.C., on July 4.

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The sight of hundreds of masked men roaming the streets of Washington, D.C., on July Fourth weekend, wearing khakis, blue shirts and uniform patches, was chilling to some of the city’s residents.

For many Americans, it was the first they heard about Patriot Front, a white nationalist organization that was born out of the deadly 2017 Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Va. A now-viral Reuters photo prompted reflections on the experience of a lone African American woman who was photographed in a Metro subway car, surrounded by white supremacists.

The planned demonstration of force was timed to bring a fringe group of extremists into public view as the nation marked 250 years of its independence. Indeed, the stunt succeeded in earning the group media coverage across mainstream outlets, amplifying its brand and potential to reach new recruits. On this occasion, the members refrained from engaging in violence and property damage, projecting an image of law-abiding, orderly activism.

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But those who are closely familiar with Patriot Front’s history and operations warn: Don’t believe what you see.

“That is not who they are in private,” said Len Kamdang, director of the Criminal Justice Project at the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law. “Although they were on their best behavior [last] weekend, this is a dangerous group that commits acts of violence all over the country.”

Patriot Front’s history of violence and property damage

Kamdang’s organization sued members of Patriot Front for vandalizing a public mural dedicated to the tennis legend and Black activist Arthur Ashe in Richmond, Va., in 2021. Ashe, who was inducted into the International Tennis Hall of Fame in 1985, was born in Richmond and his legacy is a continuing source of pride to members of that community.

“A couple of Patriot Front members showed up under cover of night and vandalized the mural,” Kamdang said. “They painted white stencils all over. … They literally tried to whitewash him and they put their symbols of hate all over — their stencils, their slogans. And all the while they were caught on video. And that video leaked using some of the most horrible language that you can imagine.”

In many jurisdictions, law enforcement can seek additional hate crime charges or sentencing enhancements in cases where illegal acts appear to have been motivated by racial bias. But in this case, Kamdang said, Patriot Front members faced no criminal charges and their identities were only revealed when online activists later infiltrated the group and leaked internal records.

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Graham Platner makes it official in Maine, submitting paperwork to leave Senate race

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Graham Platner makes it official in Maine, submitting paperwork to leave Senate race

Now-former Democratic Senate candidate Graham Platner speaks at his primary election night event on June 9 in Blue Hill, Maine. Platner officially dropped out of the race July 10 following rape allegations from a former romantic partner that he denies.

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Graham Platner, Maine’s Democratic nominee for Senate, is officially out of the race.

The Maine Secretary of State said Platner filed the necessary paperwork to withdraw his candidacy two days after he announced he planned to do so following an accusation of rape by a former romantic partner. Platner denies the allegation.

The Maine Democratic Party has until July 27 to pick Platner’s replacement.

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In his withdrawal notice, Platner said “people are desperate for change” and that’s why they voted “for a new kind of politics” by making him the Democratic nominee. He expressed gratitude for those who supported his campaign and said that he will continue to fight for “the movement we have built together and the future we believe in.”

He ended his notice with a strong statement aligned with the progressive platform.

“F*ck ICE. Free Palestine. Up the Hearts.”

Platner announced his plan to withdraw from the race in an 11-minute video he posted to social media on July 8. He said he had no choice but to suspend his campaign, citing it was no longer viable financially.

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“We are going to lose our ability to fundraise. We are going to lose our ability to access voter data. We are going to lose all of the things that any campaign needs on the basic level simply to function,” he said.

Platner added that dropping out was not an admission of guilt. Rather, the decision, he said, is to keep the progressive movement in Maine alive to defeat Republican Sen. Susan Collins in November. Platner blamed the “political establishment” for his downfall and argued the goal was to force him out of the race.

“We built a campaign. We engaged in electoral politics. We motivated people. We banded together. We did it the way that we were told we are supposed to make change and we won. And now they are not going to let us have it. Not if it’s me,” he said.

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Waymo called the cops on teen riders, raising privacy concerns

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Waymo called the cops on teen riders, raising privacy concerns

A Waymo robotaxi drives in San Francisco’s North Beach neighborhood this week.

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Police in San Mateo, Calif., posted Monday on social media that they had apprehended a pair of teenagers from a Waymo driverless robotaxi after the company alerted authorities to suspected criminal activity. It’s the latest incident involving video surveillance of passengers and others by autonomous vehicles — raising questions about the limits of privacy in such vehicles.

The Facebook post by the San Mateo County Police said: “Parents do you know where your teens are? @waymo does!”

The 15-year-olds were allegedly drinking alcohol and shooting toy guns from the car, according to the police. They said Waymo’s systems detected behavior that then triggered a safety response, after which the company disabled the vehicle and contacted police.

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Waymo’s cars, equipped with an array of cameras, microphones and other sensors to monitor passengers and other nearby vehicles, are becoming more common in cities across the United States. Experts say the detention of the two teens in San Mateo highlights a potential — but not inevitable — trade-off between privacy and convenience. It also questions the extent to which companies similar to Waymo are required to hand over private data, including audio and video of passengers, in situations where a crime is suspected.

NPR reached out to Waymo, which is owned by Alphabet, the parent company of Google, for comment on the details of the San Mateo incident and how the company responded, but did not hear back. But on its website, the company says that as many as 29 cameras in its autonomous cars provide an all-around view and “are designed with high dynamic range and thermal stability, to see in both daylight and low-light conditions, and tackle more complex environments.”

“There already exist laws that govern duty to report or even duty to protect” for carriers such as Waymo, according to Alessandro Acquisti, a professor of information technology at the MIT Sloan School of Management. “The privacy problems arise when and if driverless carrier companies used such laws or ethical obligations as a pretext for blanket, indiscriminate accumulation of identifiable data for unspecified future purposes.”

That includes not just monitoring people inside the cars, but outside too. Take, for example, a hit-and-run investigation last year in Los Angeles. Media reported that the police inquiry was aided by video captured by a Waymo taxi that had a clear view of the crime. Critics suggested at the time that authorities were using the company’s vehicles as a mobile surveillance platform. And during 2025 protests in Los Angeles against Immigration and Customs Enforcement crackdowns, demonstrators vandalized Waymos, apparently angry that video recorded by the vehicles could be used by police, although there is no evidence that happened.

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