This story, by Report for America corps member Carly Berlin, was produced through a partnership between VTDigger and Vermont Public.
For years, a rundown former hotel in the heart of downtown St. Johnsbury had been a prominent eyesore. An out-of-town landlord owned the property, where commercial spaces sat vacant and apartments were “poorly managed,” said Patrick Shattuck, executive director of Rural Edge, the main affordable housing developer in the region.
In 2021, local leaders celebrated the building’s grand reopening as the New Avenue apartments. Rural Edge partnered with affordable housing developer Evernorth to rehab the old hotel, preserving dozens of affordable units and refurbishing retail spaces. Funding streamed in from multiple sources, but a state earmark secured by the region’s powerful senator, Jane Kitchel, helped lock in the project’s future, Shattuck said.
The undertaking turned the crumbling building from a drain on St. Johnsbury to a major asset, he added. “The investment of public funds in that building has changed the entire market for downtown,” Shattuck said.
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Sally McCay via Evernorth
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Courtesy
The New Avenue project in St. Johnsbury opened in 2021, turning a crumbling building from a drain on St. Johnsbury to a major asset.
Earlier this year, Kitchel, a Democrat who has served the Caledonia district for nearly two decades, announced she would retire at the end of her term. During her tenure in the Senate, she has become one of the chamber’s most powerful members; as chair of the Appropriations Committee, she has had an outsized command over the state’s purse strings.
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Her departure has teed up the district’s first open race in recent memory. Squaring off are Democratic candidate Amanda Cochrane, the director of a Northeast Kingdom gender-based violence nonprofit and a newcomer to state politics, whom Kitchel tapped to run, and Rep. Scott Beck, R-St. Johnsbury, a longtime conservative legislator, local business owner and teacher.
The contest is one of several Senate races statewide where Republicans see an opportunity to flip a seat in the upper chamber from blue to red, weakening the Legislature’s Democratic supermajority. Republican Gov. Phil Scott has campaigned for Beck, calling him “a compassionate, common sense public servant who is a champion for taxpayers and making Vermont more affordable.”
Like many Vermont races this election season, this one is animated, in part, by promises to tackle the state’s housing woes. Both candidates emphasize the need to bolster the availability and affordability of housing. But their routes for achieving those goals differ, highlighting some of the key partisan rifts in Vermont housing politics.
‘There’s very little available — almost nothing’
Like all areas of Vermont, this corner of the Northeast Kingdom has seen a precipitous rise in both rents and home prices in recent years. Price tags in Caledonia County tend to be significantly lower than in the state as a whole — the median home price there in 2023 was about $232,000, compared to the state median of $325,000, according to the latest Vermont Housing Needs Assessment — but in this relatively impoverished region, residents are still struggling to keep up with costs.
Nearly a third of households in the county are cost-burdened, meaning they pay more than 30% of their income toward housing costs — similar to the statewide average, according to the housing needs assessment.
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That problem is exacerbated by a shortage of housing, which became even more acute after the region was repeatedly hit by flooding this summer. The deficit is particularly pronounced for rentals: The needs assessment estimates that Caledonia County needs around 900 to 1,000 more rental units to meet demand over the coming five years.
“For rental housing, there’s very little available — almost nothing,” Shattuck said.
How to close the affordability gap
On the campaign trail, Beck has emphasized the need to reduce regulatory hurdles to housing construction, a task the Legislature has honed in on at both the local and state levels in recent years — and where Gov. Scott in particular sees more need to push.
Limiting when and how new housing projects can be appealed by naysayers should be a priority, Beck said in an interview, mentioning proposalsbacked by the Scott administration this past session that largely got axed by lawmakers. Rules that might be “requiring people to over-engineer or overbuild septic systems” should be looked at, he said, as should opportunities for the state to jumpstart water and sewer infrastructure projects to prime places for new development.
The overarching goal, Beck said, is to close the gap between the cost of construction and what the average Vermonter can pay for a home — by making private development more attractive in Vermont.
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“When we’ll know we hit it is when developers actually show up and they go, ‘Hey, I’m going to buy that five acre lot right there. And I’m going to put 25 homes on it,’” Beck said. “That’s not happening right now.”
Cochrane has also emphasized the need to streamline Vermont’s land use rules to make it easier to build new housing. Like Beck, she wants to encourage housing growth by incentivizing increased density in areas that are already developed.
The state shouldn’t “make suburbs where farmland is,” Cochrane said. “I think that would be the wrong approach for Vermont. But to really look at — how can we better use the space that we do have?”
In addition to tackling the rules that govern building, Cochrane has also called for increasing funding for affordable housing initiatives. In contrast, Beck has been outspoken about his belief that funneling more public money into the housing market will actually increase construction costs, making housing more expensive overall.
If the state’s limited construction workforce ends up working on projects made possible with government funds — or working for the few people with large amounts of cash to throw at building a one-off house — then that leaves few workers to build “the home for the family that just wants a place to live, but doesn’t qualify for any government assistance,” Beck said.
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Residents listen during a candidates forum in Ryegate on Thursday, Oct. 10, 2024.
Coming off years during which Vermont channeled federal pandemic-era funds into affordable housing projects, the debate over how much the state should continue investing in housing dominated discussion at the Statehouse in 2024, and is likely to arise as a key consideration next year, too.
Beck voted against a long-term affordable housing spending bill backed by House Democrats last session that would have relied on revenue from a new income tax bracket for higher-earners and increased property transfer taxes on properties over $750,000.
“We’re taxing people plenty,” Beck said. “The problem is the cost of housing. The problem, I don’t think, is that we’re not throwing enough public money at it.”
That bill died in the Senate, in part because Kitchel never took it up in her powerful committee. At the time, the moderate Democrat emphasized that the state’s resources for investing in housing were finite.
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Cochrane echoed the sentiment that the state can’t bear all of the burden of funding affordable housing, and suggested Vermont needs to also look to federal resources and public-private partnerships to spur development, pointing to the New Avenue project as an example. But the proposed wealth tax is worth returning to, she said.
“The opportunity to look at taxing higher earners in the state is something we should continue to look at and determine if that’s a feasible approach to raise revenue,” she said.
Tackling tenant protections
Another housing issue primed to headline the Statehouse next session is the thorny topic of landlord-tenant law. Last session, lawmakers decided not to advance a set of locally approved measures that would ban landlords from evicting tenants for “no cause.”
In Vermont, landlords can generally decline to renew a tenant’s lease for any reason. The locally approved “just cause” standards prohibit evictions for “no cause,” yet still allow a landlord to evict a tenant because they haven’t paid rent, or they’ve violated their lease. Most also limit the amount a landlord can raise the rent when leases roll over.
Beck believes that abolishing “no cause” evictions will decrease housing availability by discouraging landlords from continuing to rent out properties.
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“We want these landlords to add units, not get out of the business because you can’t make any money in it,” he said.
Rep. Bobby Falise-Rubio, D-Barnet, second from right, speaks during a candidates forum in Ryegate on Thursday, Oct. 10, 2024. From left to right are Scott Beck, Republican candidate for Senate in Caledonia County; Debbie Powers, Republican running for State House to replace Rep, Falise-Rubio; Rep. Falise-Rubio: and Amanda Cochrane, Democrat running for State Senate representing Caledonia County.
In a Vermont Public candidate questionnaire, Cochrane signaled her support for abolishing “no cause” evictions. In a subsequent interview, she equivocated.
Cochrane echoed Beck’s sentiment that landlords are “a key linchpin in our housing ecosystem.” She and her husband used to rent out an apartment, she said. “It really opened our eyes to the challenges that landlords face,” she said. “When times get tough, people can’t pay their rent, and it can be really hard.”
We want these landlords to add units, not get out of the business because you can’t make any money in it.
Rep. Scott Beck, Caledonia candidate for Senate
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On the other hand, she recognizes that low-income renters are hardest hit by Vermont’s housing shortage.
“We also have an obligation to protect renters who, again, are really struggling the most to make ends meet in our state,” she said.
Any future policy tackling evictions would need to balance those nuances, she said.
Campaign cash
The Caledonia district race has been drawing significant campaign donations, leading the Caledonian Record to proclaim last month that the race was “already the most expensive political contest in the region’s history.”
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To date, Beck has raked in over $60,000 in campaign contributions, far out-fundraising Cochrane, who has brought in about $30,000, according to the candidates’ latest campaign finance disclosures.
Beck has garnered support from Gov. Scott’s campaign, as well as from some key housing players. The Vermont Realtor PAC donated $1,680 to Beck’s campaign, and several prominent Chittenden County landlords and developers have given funds, including Mark Bove and Eric Farrell.
Cochrane has brought in funds from several lobbying groups, including Vermont Public Interest Research Group, as well as the teachers’ union Vermont-NEA. Several Democratic senators have donated as well, including Sen. Andrew Perchlik, D/P-Washington, the campaign of Sen. Alison Clarkson, D-Windsor, and Kitchel.
Whoever wins the Senate race will have “huge, huge shoes to fill,” said Shattuck, from local developer Rural Edge.
“Sen. Kitchel was so aware of how precious our resources were, the role of being a good steward, but also making wise investments,” he said.
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It’s a day to take action and support the news organizations you value. Will you help keep us fiercely independent?
Sunday, May 3 is World Press Freedom Day.
It’s a day to take action and support the news organizations you value. Will you help keep us fiercely independent?
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This commentary is by David Balto, an antitrust commentator and a former assistant director for policy and evaluation in the Bureau of Competition at the Federal Trade Commission and trial attorney in the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice.
Supporting small businesses over big companies is in Vermonters’ DNA. The Green Mountain State was the first state to ban roadside billboards, and our tax code is written to support mom-and-pop shops over large corporations. Montpelier is the only state capital without a McDonald’s or a Starbucks. So why, days after a federal jury sided with Vermont Attorney General Charity Clark and more than 30 other states, ruling that Ticketmaster and its parent company Live Nation were operating an illegal monopoly, is the state Legislature advancing a policy that will help this corporation invade our state while undercutting our attorney general’s antitrust suit?
Live Nation, which owns and operates some of the largest music venues across the country, and Ticketmaster, which controls roughly 80% of the country’s initial ticket sales, merged in 2010. Since then, ticket prices are up 120%.
Since the merger, Live Nation-Ticketmaster has used tactics like the “velvet hammer” — withholding concerts from venues they do not control or work with — to consolidate power. Then they force fans to pay sky-high fees, from marking up parking passes to forcing venues to only sell water from a brand Live Nation owns. In internal messages, employees even bragged about how they “gouge” fans and joked they were “robbing them blind.”
It’s no surprise that, after a decade and a half of antitrust violations, the Live Nation-Ticketmaster monopoly made $25 billion last year.
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Now, the company, which doesn’t own any venues in Vermont, appears poised to establish a foothold in the Green Mountain State with the help of a well-intentioned but poorly executed bill working its way through Montpelier.
Lawmakers are considering legislation that would cap the price of event tickets being resold at no more than 10% above face value. The measure was recently approved by the House and is currently moving through the Senate.
On its face, the idea sounds appealing: Cracking down on excessive markups should be a win for fans. But the fact that Live Nation-Ticketmaster, which was just found to be operating an illegal monopoly that harmed fans, venues and artists, has supported price caps like those proposed in H.512 in Washington, D.C., California, New York, Minnesota and Ontario should give Vermonters pause.
This billion-dollar corporation doesn’t support ticket resale price caps because it’s good for fans. The company advocates for this policy because the caps don’t apply to “primary” ticket sales: the original point of sale, of which Ticketmaster controls 80%. Instead, the price caps would only apply to resale marketplaces — hitting the only companies that compete with the Live Nation-Ticketmaster monopoly.
Less competition means more power and higher profits for Live Nation-Ticketmaster.
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In most states, price caps would consolidate Live Nation-Ticketmaster’s control and allow it to raise ticket prices even further. In Vermont, H.512 may be the final ingredient it needs to enter the state, and, to quote its executives, “boil the frog” — using monopoly power to slowly squeeze out our independent music venues.
With this legislation moving through the Statehouse, Live Nation-Ticketmaster is already establishing a foothold in the Green Mountain State. Earlier this month, it announced a partnership with CashorTrade, a Vermont-based ticketing platform.
But Live Nation-Ticketmaster doesn’t even need to operate in our state to benefit if Vermont passes this law. If Vermont, which prides itself on pushing back against corporate power, enacts resale price caps, we hand Live Nation-Ticketmaster a powerful talking point to advance its power grab in additional states. We become a critical data point; an example of what “good policy” looks like.
H.512 includes some real, positive policies that help venues and consumers, but the price cap provision that came along for the ride squarely benefits Live Nation-Ticketmaster. Vermont can, and should, have the former without the latter.
Vermont needs to stand up to this corporate bully. If any state knows how to, it’s this one.
Powerball, Mega Millions jackpots: What to know in case you win
Here’s what to know in case you win the Powerball or Mega Millions jackpot.
Just the FAQs, USA TODAY
The Vermont Lottery offers several draw games for those willing to make a bet to win big.
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Those who want to play can enter the MegaBucks and Lucky for Life games as well as the national Powerball and Mega Millions games. Vermont also partners with New Hampshire and Maine for the Tri-State Lottery, which includes the Mega Bucks, Gimme 5 as well as the Pick 3 and Pick 4.
Drawings are held at regular days and times, check the end of this story to see the schedule.
Here’s a look at April 30, 2026, results for each game:
Winning Gimme 5 numbers from April 30 drawing
02-12-22-25-31
Check Gimme 5 payouts and previous drawings here.
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Winning Pick 3 numbers from April 30 drawing
Day: 5-0-0
Evening: 5-9-9
Check Pick 3 payouts and previous drawings here.
Winning Pick 4 numbers from April 30 drawing
Day: 9-1-6-3
Evening: 5-1-7-1
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Check Pick 4 payouts and previous drawings here.
Winning Millionaire for Life numbers from April 30 drawing
05-19-21-42-55, Bonus: 03
Check Millionaire for Life payouts and previous drawings here.
Feeling lucky? Explore the latest lottery news & results
Are you a winner? Here’s how to claim your lottery prize
For Vermont Lottery prizes up to $499, winners can claim their prize at any authorized Vermont Lottery retailer or at the Vermont Lottery Headquarters by presenting the signed winning ticket for validation. Prizes between $500 and $5,000 can be claimed at any M&T Bank location in Vermont during the Vermont Lottery Office’s business hours, which are 8a.m.-4p.m. Monday through Friday, except state holidays.
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For prizes over $5,000, claims must be made in person at the Vermont Lottery headquarters. In addition to signing your ticket, you will need to bring a government-issued photo ID, and a completed claim form.
All prize claims must be submitted within one year of the drawing date. For more information on prize claims or to download a Vermont Lottery Claim Form, visit the Vermont Lottery’s FAQ page or contact their customer service line at (802) 479-5686.
Vermont Lottery Headquarters
1311 US Route 302, Suite 100
Barre, VT
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05641
When are the Vermont Lottery drawings held?
Powerball: 10:59 p.m. Monday, Wednesday, and Saturday.
Mega Millions: 11 p.m. Tuesday and Friday.
Gimme 5: 6:55 p.m. Monday through Friday.
Lucky for Life: 10:38 p.m. daily.
Pick 3 Day: 1:10 p.m. daily.
Pick 4 Day: 1:10 p.m. daily.
Pick 3 Evening: 6:55 p.m. daily.
Pick 4 Evening: 6:55 p.m. daily.
Megabucks: 7:59 p.m. Monday, Wednesday and Saturday.
Millionaire for Life: 11:15 p.m. daily
What is Vermont Lottery Second Chance?
Vermont’s 2nd Chance lottery lets players enter eligible non-winning instant scratch tickets into a drawing to win cash and/or other prizes. Players must register through the state’s official Lottery website or app. The drawings are held quarterly or are part of an additional promotion, and are done at Pollard Banknote Limited in Winnipeg, MB, Canada.
This results page was generated automatically using information from TinBu and a template written and reviewed by a Vermont editor. You can send feedback using this form.
With all the talk of right wing men having a hard time finding a partner, I really was surprised to discover that Stephen Miller, the inspiration for many of Trump’s cruelest immigration policies, had a wife. But, I then was unsurprised that his wife, Katie Miller, has an anti-feminist podcast. Also no surprise: she has been lamenting that the US fertility rate is falling rapidly. But here is the true shocker: who can we blame for that rotten news?
“Since 2007, the teen birth rate has fallen 72%. Hormonal birth control isn’t just poison for women’s minds and bodies — it’s killing population growth. For the first time ever, birth rates for women in their late 30s have surpassed those in their early 20s.”
And to add to the horror of it all, according to Marc Siegel, a talking head on Faux News masquerading as a senior medical analyst, the following actually qualifies as a social problem, and we should be very worried: ”We’re telling people that are young not to have babies, to wait ‘til they’re in a more stable life situation, ‘til they’re more financially secure, maybe they haven’t found the right partner.”
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Yes, the very idea of waiting until you have met someone you can see raising a child with, maybe you even deeply love, have enough financial resources to live independently of your hard working parents or parent, and even a high school diploma, is too much for the MAGA crowd in the face of a worse crime: a declining fertility rate.
I guess I missed something: have not the good Christians of the past been horrified by teen sexual activity? In the very recent past, within even the memory of the youngest voters, did teens who engaged in wanton sexual activity not face punishment? Did I imagine the many demands for “abstinence only” sex “education”?
Maybe the push to accept and welcome children having babies is something else altogether: more “Handmaid’s Tale,” and less allowing the kids to relax about sex.
I have to wonder if part, or even all, of this hand wringing is directly related to the rape culture ushered in by electing a president whose followers thought it was cool that he had bragged about grabbing a woman by the “pussy,” and was convicted of molesting a woman in a department store dressing room. Secretary of War Crimes, Pete Hegseth, is mad full of the teachings of a raving lunatic, Doug Wilson, pastor of possibly the most misogynist sect in a country full of weird allegedly Christian teachings, the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches.
At the schools associated with this cult, Amanda Marcotte writes: “Students at ACCS schools who said they were sexually abused by teachers reported being blamed for causing the older men to ‘stumble.’”
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And of course, the cherry on the pie for the pro-natalist crowd, Planned Parenthood is the devil and always being deprived of funds that could help women and families actually have some agency in choosing when and if to have kids. And abortion is the worst sin! Senator Josh Hawley is currently attempting to make safe abortions illegal by pressuring a corrupt FDA to declare that mifepristone is unsafe for use —with Republican Senate enthusiasm.
So this push for teen pregnancies may actually not be condoning sex between consenting teens as much as acknowledging the number of young girls who are victims of men who are family members, employers, teachers, politicians, and all the men who see Donald Trump and his ilk as role models. The drip, drip, drip of information about the Dear Leader and rape of a 13-year-old girl continues. Trump acolyte Matt Gaetz has been very credibly accused of child trafficking and statutory rape. While he resigned from Congress, he continues to hold his Florida law license.
This is a dangerous moment for girls — we who grew up with the feminist movement understand and lived what we hope we left behind. Rape was taken as a joke until women forced the issue. I do not need to remind anyone of the many challenges of teen pregnancy. I raised three children — as a full grown adult. I can’t even imagine having taken on the day after day parenting struggles as a 17-year-old, much less at age 14. While the trumpers are doing their best to create a dystopian society, we cannot forget what we, and the suffragettes before us, have achieved in the struggle for women’s rights. No ambiguity 3 — our rights are being challenged by men who believe that the worst elements of the past must be the future. Well, we say no!
Nancy Braus is a long-time political activist who writes from Guilford. The opinions expressed by columnists do not necessarily reflect the views of Vermont News & Media.