It will not be an August of holidays and relaxation for Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni. By 30 August the Italian prime minister must submit nominations to the European Commission for the European executive: a crucial appointment for Meloni. For months she has been aiming for a position of weight for Italy, preferably an economic portfolio, but the match is not a foregone conclusion since her influence and that of her European Conservatives and Reformists group has been reduced in Brussels.

Before that decision, theoretically by Friday, when parliamentary work closes for the summer holidays, the premier must appoint the new top management to public broadcaster RAI. This decision has now become urgent following the announcement on 24 July of RAI president Marinella Soldi’s resignation.

The two apparently discrete decisions are more intertwined than they appear. Firstly by the publication in late July of the European Commission’s report on the rule of law, which put the management of RAI by Italian politics under the magnifying glass. And secondly by the delicate relationship of Meloni with her coalition allies in the government majority, united in Italy but aligned in three different groups in Europe.

The (bumpy) race for the economic portfolio in the EU Commission

Although Italy has not yet formally presented its candidatures in Brussels, the most cited name is that of the current Minister for European Affairs, Raffaele Fitto, former vice-president of the European Conservatives and Reformists group in the European Parliament.

For him – or whoever she chooses – Meloni would like the Cohesion portfolio, the commissioner who will manage one third of the Union’s budget, oversee the Recovery fund and manage the plan to reduce administrative burdens.

But regardless of the candidate, Meloni’s ambitions could founder over recent frictions with Brussels and, in particular, with re-elected European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen.

The Italian premier first challenged the six recommendations to Italy in a letter and then, in a press conference from Beijing, contained in the Commission’s report on the development of the rule of law in the member states.

‘Dear Ursula’: Meloni’s letter on political interference at RAI

What ired Meloni enough to address a letter personally to von der Leyen from China, where she was on an official visit from 28 to 31 July, was the section on freedom of the press and freedom of expression in Italy, in which Brussels said it was concerned about cases of intimidation of journalists by politicians, the lack of protection of professional secrecy and journalistic sources, the delay in reforming the law on defamation, as well as interference by politicians in RAI.

In her ‘dear Ursula’ letter, Meloni claimed that “the recommendations to Italy do not particularly differ from those of previous years,** however for the first time the content of this document has been distorted for political use by some in an attempt to attack the Italian government”, she wrote, in a thinly veiled reference to the opposition and the newspapers most critical of the right-wing executive.

Then she dwelt on the three points she considered most critical, all concerning RAI and the interference of the political class in the management and editorial line of the public broadcast network, denying bias on the part of her government.

“We have received Meloni’s letter and we are evaluating it,” spokeswoman Anitta Hipper said on 30 July, stressing that the report is the “result” of consultations with the member states themselves and thus individual national governments. Meloni, returning to the issue in the first press point from Beijing on the same day, was keen to specify that the letter was nothing more than a ‘common reflection’ and that relations with the European Commission are not deteriorating.

Meloni’s rise and fall in Brussels

Perhaps so, but the episode certainly does not come at a rosy moment. In less than two months, the President of the Council has seen her newly gained influence in Brussels decline, and there is no doubt that she has had to take a few blows.

In the run-up to the European elections Meloni was courted by both the extreme right and von der Leyen – who had even said she was willing to welcome Fratelli d’Italia into the EPP – and was now considered the post-vote kingmaker. She who, thanks to the success in the polls of the ultra-conservatives, could have moved the Union to the right, and demanded for the members of her group some high office.

But then the extreme right did not break through, the traditional groups in the European parliament were able to re-establish and decide on new appointments. Meloni protested, tried unsuccessfully to influence the decision-making process, and then found herself forced by circumstances to oppose von der Leyen’s re-election, taking Italy out of the European majority for the first time.

According to the premier, all this will have no repercussions on appointments to the European executive: “I am talking to von der Leyen,” Meloni assured from China. But the Financial Times has ascribed recent events as showing ‘signs of subsidence’ in the relationship between Rome and Brussels, saying the choice of commissioner will be a ‘key test’ of Meloni’s reputation in the EU.

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Meloni’s problems do not end there, however. Complicating the political game in Brussels – and in Rome – is the relationship with her government allies, with Lega’s Matteo Salvini trying to corner her in order to steal votes from her on the right. It is also because of these internal tensions within the Italian majority that Meloni could not support her ‘friend Ursula’.

Now she will need the approval of her Lega and Forza Italia coalition partners to propose candidates for the Commission, a situation in which mediation is necessary and, perhaps, also concessions on other dossiers, such as those Rai appointments.

The stalemate on RAI top appointments

The RAI dossier has been on the Prime Minister’s calendar for weeks, but the game has been accelerated by Soldi’s resignation, which came at the worst possible moment. RAI has never been so much in the spotlight since the time of the second Berlusconi government, in Italy and in Europe. Because of the fuss raised by the Brussels rule of law report and the numerous accusations of interference in the editorial line of the public network – now dubbed “TeleMeloni” by opposition and critics.

Several members of the Democratic Party, the 5-Star Movement and the Green Left Alliance criticised the Prime Minister’s ‘irritating’ and ‘victimising’ remarks in her letter to von der Leyen, asking Meloni to appear before the RAI supervisory commission to give explanations. They are now questioning the possible connection of the affair with the appointments of the new board of directors, taking the opportunity to call for a reform of RAI governance.

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Others considered that the letter indicated the prime minister’s desire to speed up the appointments: addressed more to domestic public opinion than to a European institutional interlocutor, an attempt to counter opposition narrative on bias within RAI and to overcome the stalemate affecting those imminent board appointments.

In fact the coalition remains far off even agreeing on the day to vote on the members of the board of directors, the first of several steps required to arrive at the new command structure of the network.

The League is pushing for a prominent position and may be satisfied

The Chamber of Deputies and the Senate must choose two board members each, two others are appointed by the Council of Ministers on the proposal of the Minister of the Economy and one by RAI employees. After the vote, the new board of directors meets to elect the CEO and indicate the president, which must then be submitted to the Parliamentary Supervisory Commission for a vote.

Meloni’s Fratelli d’Italia would like to close the issue before the summer break, but many in the coalition’s governing majority, especially the League, would like to postpone everything until September. A meeting of the parliamentary group leaders is scheduled for today to set a date for the vote, and according to Ansa, citing internal sources, a centre-right summit is also set to be held to take stock of the dossier.

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The thorny issue remains the appointment of the new RAI president. According to ANSA, the Italian press agency, Meloni will try to close the circle on the names, starting with the president, who must have the endorsement of two-thirds of the Supervisory Commission with the necessary help, therefore, of part of the opposition.

According to this thesis, Fratelli would accept Simona Agnes (nominated by Forza Italia) as president and Giampaolo Rossi (its own nominee) as managing director, while the League would have a councillor.

Salvini, however, is pushing to nominate the director general and others are convinced that in the end one of the current production directors will take the leadership.

The RAI nomination game is an internal one, but one that could end up weighing on the European front if there is no agreement between the majority parties and the decision-making drags on.

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