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Somalia races to save Radio Mogadishu’s fading archive

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Somalia races to save Radio Mogadishu’s fading archive

Mogadishu, Somalia – Thousands of reel-to-reel tapes sit in an air-conditioned room in the archive of Somalia’s public radio, Radio Mogadishu, stacked on steel shelves and lined up like old manuscripts beneath a thick layer of dust.

Each reel contains a small fragment of Somalia’s 20th-century history, from news bulletins to speeches, music and voices that were once beamed out across the nation’s airwaves, some dating back to the early 1950s.

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Abdiqadir Geedi Robleh, an archivist at Radio Mogadishu, threads a reel onto an old tape machine, connects it to a computer, and records the contents of each tape. A tape with a love song by Mohamed Mooge Liban, a prominent singer fills the room, and Robleh is transported, he says, to his youth.

He is working with a small team to digitise and methodically order approximately 400,000 hours of broadcasts, officials here say, before the magnetic tape deteriorates beyond recovery, taking with it a crucial record of the country’s past.

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Abdiqadir Geedi Robleh cues up a tape, ready to hear a recording. [Abdimajid Abdillahi Farah/Al Jazeera]

“This is the world’s largest store of Somali language music, culture, dramas and everything else, and at the moment it is locked away from the public in a kind of prison,” Robleh tells Al Jazeera. “We’re working to preserve it but also open it up in future to the public.”

Founded in 1951 during the Italian colonial era, Radio Mogadishu would grow into Somalia’s largest and most important public broadcaster. It initially broadcast in Italian and Somali before introducing foreign language services, including everything from Swahili and Oromo to English and Arabic.

In its heyday, it was among the most influential and distinctive voices in East African media, reaching audiences as far afield as Tanzania, Ethiopia, and the Middle East with a style of radical pan-African broadcasting reminiscent of Radio Cairo in the Nasser years.

With the exception of a brief hiatus in the 1990s, when it fell under the control of a warlord, it has served not only as a key source of news for Somalis and audiences across the region, but also as a vital repository of the country’s collective memory.

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The effort to preserve its archives has gathered new momentum this year.

In early June, Somalia’s information ministry and the UNESCO regional office for Eastern Africa – the UN’s heritage agency – brought archivists from across the country to a workshop in Mogadishu, aimed at eventually registering its contents with UNESCO’s Memory of the World programme, which catalogues archives of important historical value.

“Protecting this knowledge isn’t just relevant for Somalia, but it is relevant for everyone,” said Guilherme Canela, a senior UNESCO official who is overseeing the project.

Thousands of tapes fill the shelves of Radio Mogadishu's archive, holding decades of Somali history. [Abdimajid Abdillahi Farah/Al Jazeera]
Thousands of tapes fill the shelves of Radio Mogadishu’s archive, holding decades of Somali history [Abdimajid Abdillahi Farah/Al Jazeera]

An expert assessment carried out in April counted roughly 45,000 tapes and reels, representing an estimated 400,000 hours of material recorded since the station’s founding. More than 85 percent remain playable, but around one in 10 has deteriorated with age, and more than 5 percent has been destroyed or severely damaged, according to UNESCO.

Radio Mogadishu’s collection was recognised both for its size and because so much of what it holds exists nowhere else.

Some were damaged in an electrical fire in 2018, Robleh says, while others were lost during fighting in 1992, when US forces battled Somali militias in the streets of Mogadishu.

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During the worst of the civil war, police colonel Abshir Hashi Ali risked his life to prevent the contents of the archives from being looted. When fighting engulfed Mogadishu following the 1990 collapse of the government, he said he ran back “with the aim of conveying to Somalis the wealth that is stored here”.

Abdi Jeite, the station’s director, says the digitisation drive began as early as 2012, but has been held back for years by a lack of resources. By his estimate, only approximately 10 percent of the archive has so far been converted.

“We’ve got some new tools, and more training for our archivists, but there is still a lot of support needed,” he says.

An old reel-to-reel machine used to play and digitise tapes at Radio Mogadishu's archive in Mogadishu. [Abdimajid Abdillahi Farah/Al Jazeera]
An old reel-to-reel machine used to play and digitise tapes at Radio Mogadishu’s archive in Mogadishu begins spinning [Abdimajid Abdillahi Farah/Al Jazeera]

To understand why the archive matters so much, it helps to understand what radio once meant in Somali life.

“Radio Mogadishu was arguably the preeminent media institution in post-independence Somalia,” Iman Mohamed, an assistant professor at the University of Minnesota and historian of Somalia, tells Al Jazeera.

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“In a society that prizes orality above the written word, radio was uniquely effective at creating a common public sphere through which ordinary people could feel bonded to one another and to a shared sense of nationhood,” Mohamed adds.

Though Somali audiences could also access BBC Somali, Radio Hargeisa, and opposition stations when the government began to deteriorate in the latter part of the 20th century, it was Radio Mogadishu that dominated the “soundscape of urban Somalia”, Mohamed said.

That dominance made Radio Mogadishu a national factory of talent. “If you were a musician, poet, playwright or producer, Radio Mogadishu was the platform you wanted to appear on,” Robleh, the archivist, said. “It made Somalia’s stars.”

Robleh points to the label on a tape of a love song recorded at Radio Mogadishu in 1974. [Abdimajid Abdillahi Farah/Al Jazeera]
Robleh points to the label on a tape of a love song recorded at Radio Mogadishu in 1974 [Abdimajid Abdillahi Farah/Al Jazeera]

Robleh, the archivist, added that many BBC Somali journalists who went on to have distinguished careers first cut their teeth at Radio Mogadishu, which became an important pipeline for Somali-language talent to the BBC.

Hassan Dahir, a former journalist at the station, was one of many Somali children who grew up dreaming of working there. For years, he recalled, Radio Mogadishu was virtually the only source of news for millions, “the eyes and ears of the community”, he told Al Jazeera.

“Its reach was so extensive that even nomadic herders followed events as far afield as the Vietnam War and the American Civil Rights Movement,” Dahir said.

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Under Siad Barre, the military officer who seized power in a 1969 coup and ran Somalia for two decades under a self-styled socialist, revolutionary government, the station became an instrument of state ideology, mixing news, drama and religious programming with nationalist and anti-colonial content.

The station beamed pan-African songs Oh Africa, still asleep by Halimo Khalif Magool, which spurred the continent’s inhabitants to awaken and take charge of their own destinies. Mahamud Abdullahi Sangub’s Reject the Color of Imperialism was another popular song of the era in this same tradition of politically charged music, with lyrics like: “Africans listen to each other, reject the colour of imperialism, reject it, reject it, reject it!”

Many of those songs have been covered, sampled or repurposed since, and younger Somalis often encounter them with no idea who performed the originals, or the politics that shaped them, say Mohamed.

Its news coverage focused on anti-colonial wars in places such as Mozambique against Portugal, the struggle against apartheid in Rhodesia and South Africa and the Civil Rights Movement in the US. It covered everything from colonial battles in Guinea-Bissau to the arrest of African American political activist and author Angela Davis.

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“We were telling the stories of people resisting their oppressors”, said Dahir.

After seizing power in a 1969 coup, Major General Mohamed Siad Barre used Radio Mogadishu as a key instrument for disseminating his regime's messages. [Abdimajid Abdillahi Farah/Al Jazeera]
After seizing power in a 1969 coup, Major General Mohamed Siad Barre used Radio Mogadishu as a key instrument for disseminating his regime’s messages [Abdimajid Abdillahi Farah/Al Jazeera]
Portraits of Somalia's presidents line a wall at Radio Mogadishu. [Abdimajid Abdillahi Farah/Al Jazeera]
Portraits of Somalia’s presidents line a wall at Radio Mogadishu above the entrance to the archive [Abdimajid Abdillahi Farah/Al Jazeera]

The station was a “mouthpiece of the government”, cautions Mohamed, but took on a crucial role of inculcating “a patriotic and revolutionary ideological orientation in the Somali people”.

One of the most important projects the radio supported was the Somali mass literacy campaign, when the government sent students to rural Somalia in 1972 to teach the newly developed Somali script. The campaign led to a dramatic increase in literacy across the country.

It also became deeply entangled with Somalia’s regional foreign policy, as the government spent much of the 20th century at loggerheads with Ethiopia before eventually invading in 1977.

That rivalry led Radio Mogadishu to dedicate airtime to Ethiopia’s marginalised ethnic communities, as well as armed rebel movements, particularly those from Eritrea. Among its most notable initiatives were broadcasts in Oromo and Sidama.

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Dahir, the former Radio Mogadishu journalist who covered Ethiopia, told Al Jazeera that these were the first-ever radio programmes in either language, both of which had been suppressed for many years in Ethiopia under policies that privileged Amharic, the language of the country’s elite.

The station itself has taken on a far smaller role in Somali life since.

The collapse of the central government in 1991 broke the state’s grip on broadcasting, opening space for private radio, television and online outlets, which have proven popular with the Somali public.

It has lost most of its foreign-language programming, and with it, much of its revolutionary edge. The Somali state also continues to be constrained by limited resources as it rebuilds after decades of conflict.

The entrance to Radio Mogadishu's studios. [Abdimajid Abdillahi Farah/Al Jazeera]
The entrance to Radio Mogadishu’s studios. [Abdimajid Abdillahi Farah/Al Jazeera]

In November 2021, the al-Qaida-affiliated armed group al-Shabab, which has waged a long rebellion against Somalia’s government, assassinated the station’s then-director, Abdiaziz Mohamud Guled, in a suicide bombing in Mogadishu.

Iman Mohamed, the historian, says that with the civil war in the country, now in its third decade, preserving the archive for posterity has become more urgent.

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“The destruction of archives during the civil war has left an enormous gap in Somalia’s documentary record, which means that anyone researching the country’s history is almost entirely reliant on foreign archives or oral history,” Mohamed said.

“That is especially problematic for young people,” she adds. “Recovering what we can matters for the youth who will never have known the world that Radio Mogadishu broadcast in its heyday.”

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Callaway’s Not So Good-Good Call Is Cautionary Tale for Being Edgy

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Callaway’s Not So Good-Good Call Is Cautionary Tale for Being Edgy

Good Good Golf is paying dearly for its role in generating what its co-founder characterized as the “worst ad known to man,” and while the bungled Callaway spot suggests the marketing game was never meant to be a pro-am competition, the duffers in the C-suites may have played an even uglier round than the creators.

The since-expunged 60-second ad for Callaway’s new $650 Quantum Max driver featured Good Good star Garrett Clark knocking golfer/influencer Alexis Miestowski to the ground as she reached for the aforementioned club. After blindsiding Miestowski, Clark looms over her and says, “Do not touch my new driver.” That all happens within the first 15 seconds; the remainder of the ad is more or less incoherent.

The backlash was immediate, as the internet went about its time-honored business of decrying the staged act of violence while simultaneously spreading the clip to the four corners of the globe.

As indignation over the spot gained critical mass, Callaway this week announced it was severing ties with Good Good, “effective immediately.” The publicly traded manufacturer, which generated $612.2 million in net sales during the second quarter of 2026, also pledged to commit $1 million “to support organizations working to prevent violence against women.”

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In the same statement, Callaway indicated that its “content review process was not comprehensive enough,” and that it has since “taken appropriate internal corrective actions and significantly strengthened” its approval procedures “to help ensure this does not happen again.”

That Callaway may have been less than fastidious in its approach to its own marketing hardly makes it an outlier. As a rule, the creative-approvals loop is closed well before a concept makes it anywhere near the C-suite, and that dynamic seems to hold sway even when a less traditional player like Good Good is running herd on a new project.

The same applies for the people in charge of generating the commercial content, as marketing departments aren’t in the habit of procuring sign-offs from their CEOs in advance of a campaign launch. In other words, there is a vanishingly small chance that the top bananas at Callaway or Good Good so much as cast a glance at the spot in question before it was released into the wild.

If the blowback from the pulled ad has Callaway and Good Good rethinking how they go about their business, the latter company has taken far more flak for its role in the debacle. Aside from the abrupt end to its partnership with Callaway, Good Good has stepped down from its title sponsorship of an upcoming PGA Tour event in Austin, Texas, and has had its own branded merch pulled from the shelves by various retailers. Golf Channel has also put the kibosh on a reboot of one of its legacy original series, which was to bow this fall under a new name (Big Break x Good Good).

PGA Tour CEO Brian Rolapp earlier this week said his team is assessing the Good Good situation, telling reporters, “It’s a bit of a fluid situation” before going on to note that the yanked advertisement “is clearly not aligned with [our] values.”

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Clark, the Good Good co-founder at the center of the controversy, took to his socials to issue a eight-minute video in which he vacillated between owning up to his part in the mess and suggesting that the spot—which he said was meant to serve as a send-up of the 2026 horror movie Obsession—had been misinterpreted.

“I personally want to apologize for playing the role in this skit, in this ad, at the magnitude that I did,” Clark said. “The way that this ad was received is not how Good Good is and it’s not what we stand for.”

While Clark would have been better served if he’d skipped the “sorry if you feel that way” spin as evidenced by his bit about “the way that this ad was received,” he was unambiguous in his acknowledgment of the spot’s many shortcomings. “Looking back: Super dumb ad concept, terrible ad in general, not the greatest idea,” he said.

If it remains to be seen how much equity the flubbed attempt at satire will cost Good Good, the incident should serve as a bracing kick in the pants for established brands who insist on cosplaying the Steve-Buscemi-in-30Rock meme (“How do you do, fellow kids?”). As much as Good Good and other creator-led enterprises function as a cheat code reaching ever-younger hearts and minds, it’s probably best to have the grownups take a look at your work before you spring it on the general public.

And even then you’re still going to suffer the occasional pratfall. Witness the infamous 2015 Nationwide spot, in which the insurance company’s marketing department thought it was a peachy idea to [virtually] kill off a child in front of a Super Bowl audience. As long as companies insist on taking a more edgy approach to their branding, such missteps are all but inevitable. But when you’re an established entity like Callaway and pulling in $2.06 billion in annual revenue, getting in with the cool kids probably isn’t worth all the negative PR.

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Trapped Nepali workers pulled from hydropower tunnel after catastrophic flooding

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Trapped Nepali workers pulled from hydropower tunnel after catastrophic flooding

NEWYou can now listen to Fox News articles!

Stunning video shows rescue workers in Nepal dragging trapped citizens out of the mud in a hydropower plant tunnel after the devastating mudslide that has left over 1,000 people missing.

The video, released by Nepal’s Prime Minister’s Office on Friday, shows a series of rescue workers pulling trapped people through a tunnel that’s been saturated with mud.

In a post on Facebook, the Prime Minister’s Office said it had rescued 350 people from the tunnel but that efforts continue to evacuate more than 100 people still trapped. The post also added that workers had moved another 533 residents to safety from flooded areas.

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The rescue operation is intended to save people after a disastrous mudslide struck the valley in the Rasuwa district in northern Nepal, also affecting neighboring Chinese province Tibet.

TERRIFYING VIDEO CAPTURES PEOPLE FLEEING INCOMING MUDSLIDE AT NEPAL-CHINA BORDER

Rescuers evacuate a person from a tunnel of a hydropower project, in the aftermath of flash floods and a mudslide, in Rasuwa, Nepal, in this still image from handout video released August 28, 2026. (PMO Nepal/Handout via Reuters)

At least 538 people have been confirmed dead in Nepal, according to the most recent estimate from the Nepal National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Authority (NDRRMA) and the Nepal Police.

MORE THAN 3,000 MISSING AFTER COLOMBIA EARTHQUAKE AS TRUMP ADMINISTRATION PROVIDES $15.5 MILLION IN RELIEF

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People unaccounted for on the Nepal side now number up to 1,924, according to The Associated Press.

Chinese authorities also report that, on the Chinese side of the border in Tibet, which was also affected by the deluge and ensuing mudslide, five people were confirmed dead with another 558 missing.

Aftermath of flash floods and mudslide at Trishuli Bazaar army training centre in Nuwakot, Nepal, August 28, 2026. (REUTERS/Francis Mascarenhas)

AMERICAN HIKER VANISHES ON TROPICAL TREK AS FLASH FLOODS, MUDSLIDES TURN JUNGLE GETAWAY INTO DESPERATE SEARCH

Of the many missing people are approximately 90 Americans, according to the U.S. State Department.

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President Donald Trump commented on the disaster Thursday, telling reporters, “That was a brutal… that was mud and water. It’s a mixture that nobody’s ever seen anything quite like that, where very powerful, strong, well-built buildings were wiped out like they were toothpicks.”

A 7.8 MAGNITUDE QUAKE IN THE PHILIPPINES KILLS AT LEAST 32, COLLAPSES BUILDINGS AND SPARKS TSUNAMI

The uniquely devastating natural disaster was likely caused by a giant ice rock that crashed into the Lhende Khola River after an earthquake, according to the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS).

“On Wednesday morning (local time), 26 August 2026, a catastrophic debris flow and flood was likely triggered by a glacial collapse in Langtang National Park, Nepal, near the border with China,” the USGS said in a post on its website.

A survivor is transported to a safer place in a JCB following a flash flood at Trishuli in Nuwakot district, Nepal, August 26, 2026. (REUTERS/Navesh Chitrakar TPX IMAGES OF THE DAY)

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TRUMP ADMINISTRATION PLEDGES $150M IN AID, DEPLOYS NAVY WARSHIPS AFTER DEADLY VENEZUELA EARTHQUAKES

“This debris flow and flooding travelled nearly 100 km and impacted populated areas downstream along the Trishuli and Bhote Koshi Rivers, including Gyirong Port, China. Preliminary media reports and imagery analysis indicate many buildings and infrastructure have likely been buried or destroyed, including a vital highway connecting China and Nepal,” the post added.

Fox News Digital contacted the Nepalese Foreign Ministry and the U.S. State Department for further comment.

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Reuters and The Associated Press contributed to this report.

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Forced birth control violated Greenlandic women’s rights, experts find

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Forced birth control violated Greenlandic women’s rights, experts find

Truth commission to be established after two expert reports failed to agree whether scheme constituted genocide.

Greenland is establishing a truth and reconciliation commission surrounding a decades-long forced contraceptive scheme against Indigenous girls and women, after two expert reports failed to agree whether it constituted genocide.

From the 1960s to the 1990s, at least 4,000 Greenlandic Inuits – including girls as young as 12 – received intrauterine devices (IUDs) or contraceptive injections, often without their consent or knowledge, a joint Danish-Greenlandic inquiry found last year.

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That inquiry found the practice was intended to reduce birth rates and family sizes, which Danish authorities at the time viewed as a way to improve living standards and social and health conditions in Greenland, an Arctic island and semi-sovereign territory of Denmark, with a population of 57,000.

Greenland’s government tasked a four-member commission in 2024 with investigating the campaign, which led some victims to suffer serious infections, scarring of the fallopian tubes or removal of the uterus. Some were later unable to have children.

But the experts could not reach a unanimous conclusion, Greenland’s Justice Minister Marianne Paviasen told reporters on Friday, with one report stating there was no genocide and the other saying the extent of the violations could not be established.

“We cannot say, on behalf of the government, whether there was genocide. This is something we can continue to debate,” Paviasen said.

Greenland’s Prime Minister Jens-Frederik Nielsen said the reconciliation commission would “not be about assigning blame, but about uncovering the truth with a view to genuine reconciliation”.

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Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen said Copenhagen would “handle the political process together with the government of Greenland”.

The Greenlandic Siumut Party, however, urged the genocide question to be settled by “a competent and independent international court”.

“Today we could have been far more Greenlanders,” the party added.

‘Treated like animals’

Victims have questioned why no Greenlandic Inuit were appointed as experts while recounting painful histories dug up by the panel.

“For me, this is not just about history or politics. It’s my body, my life, and my right to self-determination,” Henriette Berthelsen told the AFP news agency.

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“And once again, I see that it is others who will investigate and define what was done to me and to other Inuit women,” she added.

Inger Platou, 70, told Reuters she had woken up from what she had been told was a minor operation only to discover an IUD had been inserted without her consent.

“It turns out we were treated like animals,” she said. “Without consent, they just wanted to stop women from giving birth or having children. It was a very inhumane act.”

Complications from the coil left her unable to become pregnant, she said.

Denmark apologised for the scheme last year, with Frederiksen describing “systematic discrimination” against Greenlanders.

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On Thursday, the Danish parliament agreed that women affected by the forced contraception campaign can claim compensation of up to 300,000 Danish crowns ($46,758) each.

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