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Inside Vitsoe, the British company with a very long shelf life

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Inside Vitsoe, the British company with a very long shelf life

A stack of packing containers, ready to be dispatched around the globe, sits in the course of Vitsoe’s constructing in Leamington Spa within the English West Midlands. They comprise items of its 606 shelving system, created in 1960 by the influential German designer Dieter Rams, and are destined for properties in Bonn, Munich, Kyoto, Tokyo, Seoul, Denver, Los Angeles . . . the checklist goes on.

Vitsoe (pronounced Vit-sue) is a curiosity in all types of how. An organization based by a Danish furnishings maker that was arrange in Frankfurt in 1959 however has been British since 1995; a maker of German designs that will get components from suppliers ringed round a Regency spa city; a model that has offered the identical merchandise for six many years, with solely delicate refinements.

It’s so inconceivable, and so out of step with enterprise conference, that it has come near failing earlier than, notably within the declining years of Niels Vitsoe, the founder, whose loss of life led to its switch to the UK. However it has carried on evolving to fulfill its core clients, the 15,000 architects, designers, creatives and others (together with many FT readers) who venerate 89-year-old Rams.

Rams’ unique design was deceptively easy. Metal cabinets in powder-coated impartial colors are suspended by pins from aluminium tracks which are fastened to partitions (or stand on flooring). In addition to cabinets for books, objects and data, the system consists of desks, cupboards and hanging rails, which will be lowered and raised on the pins to create an array.

Vitsoe is simply one of many modular merchandise designed by mid-century Modernists. Others embrace String, a less expensive Swedish system created by Nisse and Kajsa Strinning in 1949, and 835 Infinito shelving designed by the Italian architect Franco Albini in 1956. However Vitsoe’s sturdiness and adaptability have helped it flourish, boosted by the transfer to homeworking within the pandemic.

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The Vitsoe head workplace and meeting plant in Leamington Spa, within the English West Midlands © Dirk Lindner

“Rams [pioneered] design that’s actually helpful and actually lasts, and to attain that may be very easy,” says Ilse Crawford, founding father of the design group Studioilse. “I’ve saved storage recordsdata and Dutch ceramics on our Vitsoe cabinets, and every little thing seems to be nice.” Modular furnishings fits the rental era that “needs to depart much less caught to the partitions”, she argues.

“Vitsoe is such a chic, versatile, and strong system. It’s visually highly effective and but the cabinets can nearly disappear when you populate them,” says Simon Allford, co-founder of the architects Allford Corridor Monaghan Morris and president of the Royal Institute of British Architects. “My spouse is sick to loss of life of Vitsoe, however I really like that you could all the time transfer it round. You by no means must throw something away.”

This recyclability is simply as properly, for Vitsoe shouldn’t be low-cost (I’ve some shelving that I purchased in New York and moved to London). A set of eight cabinets on two tracks for an alcove can value about £1,000 with set up, and it competes extra straight with bespoke built-in shelving than Ikea. It encourages clients to begin small, however it’s a massive funding for a lot of younger renters.

The value of entry and a way that Vitsoe is a membership for the metropolitan cognoscenti has created an nearly cult-like following amongst a sure design set. “I’m completely into it,” wrote the style designer Jenna Lyons on an Instagram publish of the cabinets in her New York residence. After I put to Mark Adams, Vitsoe’s managing director and co-owner, that a few of its clients are mildly obsessive, he replies cheerfully, “Oh sure, responsible as charged.”

Sketch of office interior by a young Dieter Rams
A sketch by the 23-year-old Dieter Rams, the influential German designer who created the shelving in 1960; it exhibits the interiors at Braun with the primary notion of a wall-mounted shelving system (1955) © Vitsoe

The Vitsoe cult is rising. It’s nonetheless a small firm, using 80 folks, with a single constructing that mixes head workplace and meeting operations, however gross sales have risen by about 50 per cent in two years, reaching £15mn in 2021. A decade in the past, most had been within the UK, however greater than 70 per cent are actually abroad, spanning 80 international locations.

Adams has curtailed former ambitions so as to add 10 shops to its present 5 in London, New York, Los Angeles, Munich and Leamington. “I feel eight [in total] is sufficient. You may are available for 20 minutes in your option to the airport, and kind a relationship with us.” It can as a substitute rely extra on ecommerce, of which it was a pioneer, constructing software program to plan layouts 20 years in the past.

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However he hopes to increase Vitsoe’s international presence in one other manner. Gross sales progress, together with Brexit paperwork and provide chain pressures because the pandemic, have made it tougher to function solely from the UK, and he needs to construct two new factories abroad. He has not determined the place, however gross sales are rising within the US and Asia, particularly in South Korea.

Stretching itself out may weaken Vitsoe’s distinctive tradition in addition to managerial management, however Adams thinks that the long-lasting nature of its merchandise means it has to maintain on discovering followers. “Our method of, ‘Purchase it as soon as, take care of it, restore it, hand it all the way down to your children’, is full madness as a enterprise mannequin,” he remarks. “It solely works in case you discover sufficient [new] folks.”


Vitsoe’s dedication to go its personal manner is apparent as we step into the huge, high-ceilinged house that types its head workplace and manufacturing facility in Leamington Spa. It’s nearly completely constructed of wooden: laminated strips of beech made in Germany that not solely kind the partitions, however the columns and beams.

An armchair and ottoman designed by Rams
Armchair and ottoman designed by Rams © Vitsoe

It’s a calm void that absorbs the noise from groups of staff screwing collectively cupboards and desks for supply, and assembling the 620 system chairs designed by Rams in 1962. Adams compares it to a medieval barn, with a 135- metre-long central house and two aisles lit by north-facing roof home windows that open to ventilate the constructing.

As a substitute of initially using architects, Adams deliberate its kind with Martin Francis, a designer who labored on the glass pyramid extension of the Louvre in Paris, and James O’Callaghan, a structural engineer. “Grown-up Vitsoe” is Adams’ description of the kit-like body, delivered by the architects Waugh Thistleton and assembled in 23 days in 2017.

It enabled Vitsoe to maneuver from a cramped constructing in Camden, north London, and was financed in an uncommon method. The corporate issued a £9mn bond at an rate of interest of 6.06 per cent, after its 606 cabinets, and invited clients to speculate a minimum of £5,000 every. It made them extraordinarily dedicated: “Our predominant supply of redemptions is when bondholders die,” Adams notes.

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Adams, who’s 61, is a talkative, inquisitive determine who typically darts off at mental tangents, from the origins of the manufacturing facility’s landscaping to the coconut coir that it used for padding in chairs as a substitute of polyurethane foam. It takes solely a short while in his presence to see that he’s absorbed in all elements of Vitsoe’s merchandise, technique, monetary construction and really existence.

He first got here throughout Vitsoe in a design store in Marylebone in 1985 after finding out zoology and dealing as a headhunter. The encounter modified his life: he left his job to work within the store (“I assumed, if I don’t do it now, I’ll miss my probability. I’ll simply climb the company ladder and be misplaced”); then turned Vitsoe’s UK distributor; and took over when it was in disaster after Niels Vitsoe’s loss of life.

The first Vitsoe shop, Frankfurt, 1971
The primary Vitsoe store, Frankfurt, 1971 © Vitsoe
Dieter Rams at the shop
Dieter Rams on the store © Vitsoe

The corporate is owned by Adams and Jennie Moncur, a designer who’s inventive director of Vitsoe (the couple are married). They took massive monetary dangers to make Vitsoe secure once more after taking it over, together with borrowing to supply its planning software program in 2000 — “We mortgaged our home to absolutely the restrict,” Adams recollects.

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“Mark is an animal who’s all for every element, however he’s approachable. Anybody within the firm can telephone him or sit down and have lunch with him,” says Moncur. The latter is made simpler by the truth that these in Leamington take lunch communally every day at tables by a kitchen run by chef Will Leigh. A scent of baking typically fills the constructing.

Rams began working with Vitsoe solely as a facet challenge, since he was employed by Braun, a family-owned firm for which he designed radios, alarm clocks and different gadgets (Braun was acquired by Gillette in 1968). His rules for good design to be unobtrusive, long-lasting and “thorough all the way down to the final element” have influenced many industrial designers, together with Jony Ive at Apple.

The 606 system was designed for flats in-built postwar Germany and at first look little has altered because the Nineteen Sixties. However Adams has made a mess of tiny modifications, from including a small lip to strengthen the cabinets, to altering the pin designs in order that they slide into the holes on the tracks extra simply.

“There’s an understated class to Vitsoe. They’re always innovating however they don’t seem like they’re,” says Steve Evans, a professor and director of analysis in industrial sustainability at Cambridge college, who has studied the corporate. “And the way many individuals would transfer manufacturing from Germany to the UK to make high-quality precision objects? That was actually courageous.”

Vitsoe managing director Mark Adams (right) with Dieter Rams, in the London shop
Vitsoe managing director Mark Adams (proper) with Rams on the Vitsoe store in Marylebone, London

The problem has been eased by its location in Leamington, near Warwick and the Midlands car trade — it’s a 40-minute drive to Solihull, one in every of Jaguar Land Rover’s crops. It has a provide chain of 30 components makers inside a 90-mile radius of the constructing: it buys chrome steel screws from Hertfordshire and aluminium plates for its cupboards from Cirencester.

However this just-in-time effectivity has suffered lately. The constructing used additionally to host an area dance firm known as Motionhouse, with the dancers each rehearsing and having lunch. Their house is now taken by stacks of components and merchandise ready to be dispatched as a buffer in opposition to provide chain disruption, whereas larger costs for components have squeezed its margins.

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Adams injured a knee in a biking accident final yr and needed to take day off work to convalesce. It compelled him to devolve management of the day-to-day operating of Vitsoe to others and gave him time to replicate.

One consequence was the concentrate on increasing its international footprint by constructing services abroad. Leamington value £9mn for land and building and Adams believes clients would contribute capital once more. However minibonds face tighter regulation because the collapse of London and Capital Finance in 2020, and a unique construction is required.

Progress shouldn’t be the one factor on his thoughts: there’s additionally the query of possession. Adams and Moncur have been contemplating transferring Vitsoe to a belief fairly than maintaining it of their household or promoting it to a rival. It’s a putting resolution, provided that they invested closely prior to now and will reap their rewards.

They don’t see it that manner. “Possession shouldn’t be a phrase that enters our minds a lot,” says Moncur. “We far more regard ourselves as custodians of Vitsoe. We wish to protect it and have an obligation to make sure a straightforward transition. It was actually not simple when Niels Vitsoe died.”

They haven’t settled on the shape a belief would take, however are influenced by the John Lewis Partnership, based by John Spedan Lewis in 1920, and German Stiftung (basis), together with these at Carl Zeiss and Robert Bosch. These put administration beneath the oversight of a belief that units the company rules.

However it could be a giant change, coinciding with bold progress plans. Adams doesn’t intend to retire quickly, and there’s no clear succession plan, however he has been taking some steps again. “I don’t intend to vanish into the sundown, however I speak about rebalancing, particularly within the gentle of my accident.”

“It’s an admirable concept however implementing it will likely be difficult, they usually might underestimate the position of Mark in bringing all the concepts behind Vitsoe collectively,” says Evans of Cambridge. “When Steve Jobs died, Apple was an unlimited firm, however Vitsoe is on the stage the place a frontrunner’s departure can result in collapse.”

Adams is undeterred. Vitsoe is used to treading its personal path, together with its previous transfer from Germany to the UK. If most enterprise is completed in a method, he’ll strive one other. “I’ve a deep drawback with a capitalist system that advantages a couple of on the expense of many,” he says, “We’re doing our little bit to vary it.”

John Gapper is FT Weekend’s enterprise columnist

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Trump says he will ‘most likely’ give TikTok extension to avoid ban

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Trump says he will ‘most likely’ give TikTok extension to avoid ban

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President-elect Donald Trump said he would “most likely” extend the deadline for ByteDance, the Chinese owner of TikTok, to divest the video app which faces a nationwide ban that is set to come into effect on Sunday.

In an interview with NBC News, Trump said he was considering issuing a 90-day extension to the deadline. His comments come one day after TikTok warned that its 170mn users would face an imminent blackout after the Supreme Court on Friday upheld the divest-or-ban law that Congress passed last year to address China-related national security concerns.

“The 90-day extension is something that will be most likely done, because it’s appropriate,” Trump said. “We have to look at it carefully. It’s a very big situation . . . If I decide to do that, I’ll probably announce it on Monday.”

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On Friday, Trump said he had spoken to President Xi Jinping and discussed TikTok with the Chinese leader. Chinese state media said the two leaders had spoken but did not specify if TikTok was part of the conversation.

The Biden administration on Friday said it would leave decisions about enforcement of the law, which comes into effect at midnight on Saturday eastern time, to the incoming Trump administration.

That means the companies that provide the video platform — including Apple, Google and Oracle — have to decide whether to risk violating the law between the midnight deadline and Trump’s inauguration on Monday.

Apple and Oracle declined to comment, while Google did not immediately respond.

TikTok said statements from the Biden administration “failed to provide the necessary clarity and assurance to the service providers that are integral to maintaining TikTok’s availability to over 170 million Americans”.

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It also warned that the video app would “go dark” on January 19 unless the Biden administration “immediately provides a definitive statement to satisfy the most critical service providers assuring non-enforcement”.

In an overwhelming bipartisan vote last March, Congress passed a law that required ByteDance to divest TikTok to avoid a nationwide ban on the app.

Lawmakers and US security officials believe that Chinese ownership of the app poses a national security risk because it could be used for espionage and disinformation by the Chinese Communist party. TikTok has denied that the Chinese government has any influence over the app.

In his first term, Trump issued an executive order to block TikTok from operating in the US, but it was stymied by the courts at the last minute. In early 2024, he came out in opposition to the congressional divest-or-ban measure on the grounds that it would help Facebook, which banned him from its social media platform for two years.

Trump has appointed several China hawks who oppose Chinese ownership of TikTok to his administration, including Mike Waltz, a former green beret and Florida congressman, who will serve as national security adviser.

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Earlier this week, Waltz said the incoming administration would put “measures in place to keep TikTok from going dark”, saying the legislation allowed for an extension as long as a “viable deal” was on the table.

Following the TikTok statement on Friday, Rush Doshi, a former senior Biden administration China official, wrote on X that the company only had itself to blame.

“TikTok had 268 days to sell itself so it wasn’t operated by China. That would have solved everything. But they didn’t even try. China wouldn’t let them,” Doshi said.

“Now, with time short, they want Biden to ignore a bipartisan law SCOTUS (Supreme Court of the US) upheld 9-0. If they shut down, it’s on them.”

Additional reporting by Hannah Murphy and Michael Acton

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Biden Proclaims That The Equal Rights Amendment Is The Law Of The Land—But What Does That Mean?

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Biden Proclaims That The Equal Rights Amendment Is The Law Of The Land—But What Does That Mean?

President Joe Biden announced on Friday that, as far as he’s concerned, the Equal Rights Amendment is the “law of the land,” a somewhat symbolic move that is poised to allow more women across the country to sue their states for gender discrimination—including challenges to abortion bans.

The ERA, originally drafted over a century ago and passed by Congress in 1972, has faced a long and hard-fought journey toward ratification and implementation as the 28th Amendment to the Constitution. If formally recognized, the ERA would constitutionalize gender equality.

“The Equal Rights Amendment is the law of the land—now!” Biden said in a speech to the United States Conference of Mayors. “It’s the 28th amendment to the Constitution—now.”

While Biden’s declaration is expected to spur legal and political repercussions nationwide, the president’s announcement isn’t so simple.

Immediately following Biden’s announcement on Friday, the National Archives, which publishes constitutional amendments, stated it had no plans to formally add the ERA to the Constitution. When Congress passed the ERA over 50 years ago, the initial preamble required that 38 states move to ratify within seven years (that deadline was extended to 1982). By that year, the amendment was three states short of implementation.

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View of Pro-Choice supporters, including several people with ‘Honored Guest’ sashes, as they take part in a March for Women’s Equality, Washington DC, April 9, 1989. Among the visible signs as ones supporting NARAL (National Association for the Repeal of Abortion Laws) and Physicians For Choice. (Photo by Barbara Alper/Getty Images)

Barbara Alper/Getty Images

Thanks to anti-abortion, anti-feminist activists like Phyllis Schlafly, the ERA was squashed. It wasn’t until 2020 that Virginia became the crucial 38th state to ratify the ERA. Yet, because the deadline had long passed and thanks to Donald Trump’s Justice Department saying at the time that ratification took too long, the ERA has remained outside of the founding text—even as about eight in ten US adults, including majorities of men and women and Republicans and Democrats alike, say they at least somewhat favor adding the ERA to the Constitution, according to Pew.

United States Archivist Colleen Shogan, a Biden appointee and the first woman archivist, has repeatedly stated that the ERA’s eligibility has expired and could not be added to the Constitution now unless Congress acts. Last month, Shogan and the deputy archivist released a statement saying they could not certify the ERA “due to established legal, judicial, and procedural decisions.” On Friday, the Archives reiterated its position. “The underlying legal and procedural issues have not changed,” they said in a statement. Biden is also not going to order the archivist to certify and publish the ERA, the White House told reporters.

Biden’s Friday announcement about the ERA comes as the president has filled his last moments in office with sweeping executive measures, including designating national monuments in California, removing Cuba from the list of state sponsors of terrorism, blocking a Japanese company’s takeover of United States Steel, extending protected status to nearly 1 million immigrants, and commuting the sentences of almost everyone on federal death row, as detailed by The Washington Post this week.

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Under Trump’s Big Tent, Republicans Are Starting to Clash

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Under Trump’s Big Tent, Republicans Are Starting to Clash

Democrats have long been viewed as the big-tent party — a proudly noisy collection of differing views and competing interests, often prompting headlines describing them as “in disarray.”

Now, Donald J. Trump’s commanding victory may be ushering in a big-tent era for Republicans.

Even before he takes the oath of office on Monday, cracks in his freshly expanded coalition have emerged. With their divides, the incoming president and his party are being forced to confront a reality that has often tripped up Democrats: A bigger tent means more room for fighting underneath it.

In recent weeks, some congressional Republicans have dismissed Mr. Trump’s threats of military force against Greenland. Republicans from farm states have squirmed at his plans to impose new tariffs on all goods entering the United States. Opponents of abortion have grumbled about his selection of an abortion rights supporter for his cabinet. Mr. Trump’s embrace of tech billionaires has troubled conservatives who blame their companies for censoring Republican views and corrupting children.

And last week, a fight over the direction of immigration policy prompted Stephen K. Bannon, an architect of Mr. Trump’s political movement, to attack Elon Musk, the world’s richest man and a key Trump adviser, as a “truly evil person.”

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“The big battles are all on our side of the football — meaningful, tough,” Mr. Bannon told The New York Times.

This wide range of internal fights over policy and power may be run-of-the-mill in politics, but they are somewhat extraordinary for the Trump-era Republican Party. Since Mr. Trump, a former Democrat unbound by strict ideology, effectively hijacked the party in 2016, the internal clashes have largely been between two clear factions: the traditional Republicans and the Republicans who embraced Mr. Trump.

But eight years later, most of the old guard has been thoroughly conquered or converted. Mr. Trump is entering a Washington where nearly all Republicans consider themselves part of his movement. They just don’t all agree on what, exactly, that means.

Inauguration Day will offer a vivid display of the new crosscurrents in the party. When he takes the oath of office, Mr. Trump will be joined not only by Vice President JD Vance, who spent years railing against big tech, but by at least four technology executives who are part of a crop of industry moguls who warmed to Mr. Trump in recent months, pouring money into his inauguration committee.

For most of his political career, Mr. Trump has been laser-focused on pleasing the voters who elected him. In his first term, Mr. Trump largely worried about holding on to his core group of supporters: white, working-class voters.

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But with a bigger, more diverse coalition, that task has grown more complicated and far less clear. Mr. Trump’s victory in November was marked by notable gains in traditionally liberal cities and suburbs and among the Black, Latino, female and younger voters who have long been central to the Democratic Party’s base.

While those voters largely supported Mr. Trump’s goals of lowering prices and curbing illegal immigration, it’s unclear whether they also support the full scope of conservative policies — like ending automatic citizenship at birth and banning abortion nationwide — that some of his hard-right supporters are eager to implement.

“This is the most racially diverse incoming governing coalition for a G.O.P. since at least 1956, and that has the potential to change things,” said Ralph Reed, a Republican strategist and founder of the Faith and Freedom Coalition, who said he had attended every Republican inauguration over the past four decades. “But they’re good challenges to have.”

Newt Gingrich, who was speaker of the House from 1995 to 1999, pointed to two policy debates that will help show whether the party is ready to cater to its new voters.

One is whether Republicans support a pathway to citizenship for Dreamers, a cohort of immigrants who were brought to the country as children. Stripping them of their legal status comes with the political risk of alienating moderate voters, Mr. Gingrich said.

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A second test, he said, would be whether Republicans can muscle through a tax bill before July 4 in order to stimulate the economy and help the party keep control of the House through the 2026 midterms.

“There will be mistakes and confusion and tension, but there will also be enormous changes,” he said.

Mr. Trump doesn’t have much wiggle room in Congress, where even slight ideological differences could have an outsize impact on his ability to enact his agenda. The party’s slim, three-vote margin in the House means that any Republican lawmaker has the power to slow down legislation, if not scuttle it entirely. In the Senate, Republicans have 53 votes, leaving little room for dissent on a majority vote.

During his first term, Trump’s grip on his voters — backed up by frequent political threats — stifled most opposition within the party. Whether his political hold remains as strong in his second — and final — term remains to be seen.

Republican strategists say there are plenty of issues where there is broad agreement across the party, including expanding the tax cuts passed during the first Trump administration and curbing illegal immigration.

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Even within those issues, the challenge may be in the details. Already, Mr. Bannon and Mr. Musk have tangled over H-1B visas, a skilled-worker immigration program that has long been a key source of labor for Silicon Valley. Mr. Trump suspended H-1B visas during his first term, but last month seemed to indicate support for keeping the program.

The debt ceiling has created distance between Mr. Trump and deficit hawks in his party, including members of the House Freedom Caucus who last month refused to free him of the spending constraint.

Republicans also disagree over setting a new corporate tax rate and how much of the new tax cuts should be paid for by slashing spending.

A group of Republicans from swing districts in New Jersey, New York and California have vowed to block the tax bill unless a cap on a state and local tax deduction, known as SALT, is raised significantly. Many other Republicans oppose the measure, which would largely benefit wealthier families in blue states.

Foreign policy is another area with considerable intraparty divides, particularly over ending the war in Ukraine and over the role Russia should play in the region. Whether Republicans follow Mr. Trump’s lead and take a softer position toward Russia’s president, Vladimir V. Putin, may offer hints of the party’s direction on America’s traditional alliances abroad.

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Still, Brad Todd, a Republican strategist, said no one understood the temperature of the Republican Party quite like Mr. Trump, who spends hours calling different lawmakers, donors and activists to get their views.

“Trump is not ideological,” Mr. Todd said. “He’s a pragmatic, practical person. He is a populist in that he wants to do popular things.”

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