Mississippi
A man pleads not guilty to setting fire to Mississippi synagogue
JACKSON, Miss. (AP) — The man accused of setting fire to a Mississippi synagogue pleaded not guilty to a federal arson charge on Tuesday.
The fire badly damaged the Beth Israel Congregation, a historic synagogue that was bombed by the Ku Klux Klan in 1967 for the congregation’s involvement in the Civil Rights Movement. No one was injured in the blaze, which ripped through the building shortly after 3 a.m. on Saturday, Jan. 10.
During the hearing, Magistrate Judge LaKeysha Greer Isaac denied bond for Stephen Spencer Pittman, ruling that he should be held in the custody of the U.S. Marshals Service through the duration of his trial.
The 19-year-old suspect appeared in court with both of his hands and ankles bandaged from burn wounds and a Bible sitting in front of him. The courtroom was packed with spectators, including several members of the Beth Israel Congregation.
The prosecutor, Matthew Wade Allen, argued Pittman should not receive bond because there is a serious risk he will obstruct justice or threaten, injure or intimidate a witness or juror, such as his parents and members of the Beth Israel Congregation.
FBI Special Agent Ariel Williams testified that Pittman’s parents said they noticed behavior changes in their son since he returned home on winter break. Pittman’s mother told the FBI their family pets were afraid of her son and that she considered locking her bedroom door at night out of fear of his behavior, Williams said.
Williams also testified that Pittman’s father told the FBI about an incident where Pittman “bowed up” in his father’s face, after his father had attempted to correct him for saying something offensive to Pittman’s mother.
Leading up to the synagogue fire, several witness, including Pittman’s parents, told the FBI they heard Pittman make antisemitic comments and members of Pittman’s gym heard him say he wanted to burn a synagogue, Williams said.
Mike Scott, Pittman’s public defender, argued Pittman did not pose a danger to the community. He also said Pittman suffered third-degree burns and incarcerating Pittman could pose a risk to his health.
Scott did not immediately respond to requests for comment.
Pittman confessed to lighting a fire inside the building, referring to it as “the synagogue of Satan,” according to an FBI affidavit filed in U.S. District Court.
Pittman is charged with maliciously damaging or destroying a building by means of fire or an explosive. He has also been indicted on a state charge of willfully and maliciously setting fire to a synagogue. The indictment includes a sentencing enhancement for a hate crime.
Pittman faces five to 20 years in prison for the federal charge. The state charge carries a sentence of 5 to 30 years in prison, with the possibility of up to 60 years if he is found to have committed a hate crime.
The judge set Pittman’s trial for Feb. 23.
STARKVILLE — The playing surface at Charles Schwab Field is dirt where Mississippi State baseball hopes to be playing in the College World Series in Omaha, Nebraska.
So, if that stadium has dirt, why shouldn’t MSU’s Dudy Noble Field?
That was part of the thought process for new Mississippi State coach Brian O’Connor as changes were made to the playing surface.
New for the 2026 season is a dirt batter’s box and dirt basepaths leading to first and third base. Previously, they were turf.
Foul territory and the warning track will remain turf but it has been replaced. The rest of the field is dirt and grass.
“I get why it was turf,” O’Connor told The Clarion Ledger on Jan. 21. “You get rain, it’s better off being turf. But where the national championship is played, your spikes digging into the batter’s box are in dirt.”
O’Connor said it wasn’t solely his decision, but a collective one with administration and the grounds crew. There were already plans to get new turf for foul territory and the warning track before O’Connor was hired in June.
The new dirt and turf were installed after fall practices and ahead of opening day when Mississippi State hosts Hofstra on Feb. 13.
“I do like that,” O’Connor said. “That said, it wasn’t that big of a deal to me. But there were some things going on actually with the playing surface that by going to dirt base paths helped.”
The logos in foul territory have also been changed. The banner M logos adjacent to first and third base are gone. The Mississippi State baseball M over S logo is now behind home plate.
Mississippi State had turf in the batter’s box since 2014.
Sam Sklar is the Mississippi State beat reporter for the Clarion Ledger. Email him at ssklar@usatodayco.com and follow him on X @sklarsam_.
GREENVILLE, Miss. (WLBT) – Ten people were taken to the hospital after a canopy collapsed at a gas station in Greenville, Mississippi.
According to the Greenville Fire Department, the incident occurred at the Rick’s Express, and was seemingly caused by excessive water and ice.
The structure, the fire department said, fell onto several vehicles, and ten people were taken to the hospital for both minor and major injuries.
Fire crews remained on the scene to secure the area and assess the stability of the structure. Crews also blocked off the area.
The fire department later said that another canopy had collapsed at a separate gas station in the city, this one occurring at the B-Quick.
One person was injured, and several vehicles were damaged.
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Will Mississippi be the first state to expand educational freedom in 2026? It’s too early to know, but it’s notable that the state House recently passed HB2, the Mississippi Education Freedom Act, a step in that direction. The centerpiece of the massive bill is an education savings account program called Magnolia Student Accounts, or MSA for short.
By creating these Magnolia Student Accounts, Mississippi would join a growing number of states that recognize parents know their kids better than bureaucrats do, and education funding should follow students to the learning environments where they’ll thrive.
This isn’t a radical concept. We don’t mandate where families shop for groceries or what doctor they visit. Education is too important to be the one service where choice doesn’t matter.
The mechanics of MSAs are straightforward. Instead of locking all education dollars into assigned district schools, the state would deposit funds into accounts that families control. Those funds could pay for private school tuition, tutoring, educational technology, curriculum materials, specialized courses and more.
If HB2 is passed, every student would be eligible to apply for an MSA, but the number of available accounts would be limited. In the first year, there would be a maximum of 12,500 accounts for private school tuition, with half of those reserved for students transferring out of public schools. The cap would automatically increase by 2,500 each year for the first four years. After that, it would automatically increase by 2,500 whenever all accounts are claimed the previous year. If applications exceed available funds, students from lower-income households would receive priority and a lottery would be conducted if needed.
For students using the accounts at participating schools, funding would be based on the state’s base student funding for the applicable school year, currently around $6,800. Students at non-participating schools would receive $2,000 with a family maximum of $4,000. Up to 5,000 homeschoolers could receive $1,000 per family. The program also allows families to carry over unused funds for future educational expenses, which discourages wasteful spending.
As currently drafted, the program respects participating schools’ autonomy. Schools aren’t forced to participate, and those that do aren’t subjected to state curriculum mandates. They can still set their own admissions standards, hire teachers who share their mission and maintain the distinctive programs that make them effective. Religious schools can maintain their faith-based instruction. These protections are critical in encouraging diverse educational options rather than cookie-cutter schools that all look alike.
While adopting MSAs would be a significant step toward more educational freedom for Mississippi families, there are areas for improvement in the proposal. The participation caps mean only around 3% of Mississippi students would be able to participate in the beginning, and the cap increases at a very slow pace. Providing lower funding amounts based on what type of education children receive limits families’ flexibility and complicates program administration, as well.
As is often the case, the teachers union, superintendents’ association and other opponents of school choice are campaigning against the Education Freedom Act, claiming that MSAs will harm public schools. Yet public school funding would only be affected if parents choose other options — which, critically, would not happen if the school is meeting their needs. Keeping kids trapped in schools that aren’t working for them helps no one.
Mississippi’s public schools may be a great fit for many students, but they can’t work for every child. Some students need more personalized environments, different instructional approaches or specialized support that their assigned school can’t provide. When we pretend one-size-fits-all in education, the students who suffer are typically those with the fewest alternatives.
The education landscape is changing. Enrollment in Mississippi district schools has fallen. Many families want options that better fit their children’s needs. Magnolia Student Accounts acknowledge this reality and enable education funding to reflect family choices.
No education system is perfect, and choice programs require careful drafting and implementation. But the old way of doing things — a system where kids are limited by their addresses, struggling students can’t escape schools that aren’t meeting their needs, and innovative approaches can’t get funding — is no longer good enough.
Education works best when families have options and schools have the freedom to meet students where they are. Mississippi is moving decisively in that direction.
— Colleen Hroncich is a policy analyst at the Cato Institute’s Center for Educational Freedom.
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