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A Supreme Court ruling on voting rights could boost Republicans’ redistricting efforts

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A Supreme Court ruling on voting rights could boost Republicans’ redistricting efforts

Demonstrators holding signs in support of minority voting rights gather outside the U.S. Supreme Court in Washington, D.C., on Wednesday.

Claire Harbage/NPR


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Claire Harbage/NPR

A major redistricting case returning to the U.S. Supreme Court on Wednesday could not only determine the fate of the federal Voting Rights Act, but also unlock a path for Republicans to pick up a slew of additional congressional seats.

If the high court overturns the act’s Section 2 — a provision that bans racial discrimination in voting — GOP-controlled states could redraw at least 19 more voting districts for the House of Representatives in favor of Republicans, according to a recent report by the voting rights advocacy groups Black Voters Matter Fund and Fair Fight Action.

And depending on when the court rules in the case, known as Louisiana v. Callais, some number of the seats could be redistricted prior to next year’s midterm election.

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The analysis comes as President Trump continues to lead a GOP push for new maps in Texas, Missouri, North Carolina and other states that could help Republicans preserve their slim House majority after the 2026 election.

The GOP effort could be bolstered by a Supreme Court ruling that eliminates longstanding Section 2 protections against the dilution of the collective power of racial minority voters.

Many of the landmark law’s supporters fear such an outcome after the conservative-majority court didn’t rule last term on the Louisiana case, and instead scheduled a rare second round of oral arguments, which is expected to focus on the constitutionality of Section 2’s redistricting requirements.

A ruling gutting Section 2 could have a cascading effect on congressional maps in mostly Southern states where Republicans either control both legislative chambers and the governor’s office or have a veto-proof majority in the legislature — and where voting is racially polarized, with Black voters tending to vote Democratic and white voters tending to vote Republican.

If mapmakers in those states are no longer required under Section 2 to draw districts where racial minority voters have a realistic opportunity of electing their preferred candidate, Louisiana, Florida, Georgia, Missouri, North Carolina and Texas could end up with fewer Democratic representatives in Congress. Alabama, Mississippi, South Carolina and Tennessee could lose all of theirs, the report finds.

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As much as 30% of the Congressional Black Caucus and 11% of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus could also be lost.

It all leads to a possibility of Republicans cementing one-party control of the House for at least a generation, says Cliff Albright, co-founder and executive director of Black Voters Matter Fund.

Demonstrators hold signs and wear shirts for Black Voters Matter Fund outside the Supreme Court on Wednesday.

Demonstrators hold signs and wear shirts for Black Voters Matter Fund outside the Supreme Court on Wednesday.

Claire Harbage/NPR


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“Part of the point that we’re trying to make with this report is that what happens in the South doesn’t just stay in the South,” Albright adds. “This racial gerrymandering has the ability to not just disempower, disenfranchise Black voters and to eliminate Black elected officials and Latino elected officials. What happens in these states impacts the entire country.”

How the Supreme Court overturning Section 2 could lead to a redistricting “free-for-all”

In the Louisiana case, a lower court ordered the state’s Republican-controlled legislature to draw a new congressional map after a group of Black voters sued under Section 2.

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Section 2 “ensures all communities of color can still participate equally in the voting process and elect candidates who reflect their interests,” says Alanah Odoms, executive director of the American Civil Liberties Union of Louisiana, whose attorneys are helping to represent those Black voters. “And if communities of color are not able to do that, we stand to lose what I think most of us believe is so fundamental to our democracy, which is equal participation, equal opportunity.”

The court-ordered map, which was in effect for the 2024 election, led to Democrats picking up a second seat in Louisiana.

A group of self-described “non-African American” voters, led by Phillip Callais, has argued, however, that the race-based redistricting the court ordered to get in line with Section 2 is unconstitutional. Just as the Supreme Court ruled against race-based affirmative action at colleges and universities in 2023, they argue, the court should put an end to race-based political mapmaking under Section 2.

In seeking a rehearing in the Louisiana case, the Supreme Court asked all sides in the case to consider whether the state’s “intentional creation of a second majority-minority congressional district violates the Fourteenth or Fifteenth Amendments to the U.S. Constitution.”

In one of their latest briefs to the high court, Republican state officials in Louisiana now argue against using race “in any form” when redistricting.

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And in a major shift from past administrations, the Justice Department under Trump agrees that Section 2’s protections against racial discrimination are no longer constitutional.

Two years ago, the Supreme Court rejected a similar argument by Alabama Republicans.

“The court could reaffirm the Voting Rights Act as it did in 2023 in Allen v. Milligan,” says Atiba Ellis, a professor and an associate dean at Case Western Reserve University’s law school. “But many observers — and I am one of them — have been concerned about the court becoming more and more cynical about race-conscious remedies to address longstanding civil rights wrongs. And this decision has the potential to be the tipping point where the court declares unconstitutional or heavily restricts the ability for Congress to create remedies that promote multiracial democracy.”

That kind of decision coming amid the ongoing mid-decade congressional redistricting war between Republicans and Democrats, Ellis adds, could set the stage for a true “free-for-all” — pointing also to the court’s 2019 ruling that partisan gerrymandering is not reviewable by federal courts.

“It is one thing for politicians on both sides of the aisle to use the power that they have to engage in unprecedented power grabs. But the most important check on those grabs has been the prevention of racial discrimination,” Ellis says about Section 2. “Absent the federal law that would prevent that discrimination, I think the consequences could be tremendous and could be felt for decades.”

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The window of time to pass new congressional maps before the midterms is closing as state deadlines draw nearer. Louisiana’s top election official, Secretary of State Nancy Landry, has asked the Supreme Court to rule in this case by early January 2026 to avoid disrupting the state’s current schedule.

But the timing remains unclear for the Supreme Court, which usually releases decisions for major cases toward the end of its term in June.

The court has confirmed that it plans to discuss early next month if it will take up a North Dakota case about whether private individuals and groups — whose lawsuits have been the main way of enforcing Section 2 — can continue to sue. Republican state officials in Mississippi have also raised that issue in another redistricting case on direct appeal to the high court.

Edited by Benjamin Swasey

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Map: 2.4-Magnitude Earthquake Reported in New Jersey

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Map: 2.4-Magnitude Earthquake Reported in New Jersey

Note: Map shows the area with a shake intensity of 3 or greater, which U.S.G.S. defines as “weak,” though the earthquake may be felt outside the areas shown.  All times on the map are Eastern. The New York Times

A minor, 2.4-magnitude earthquake struck in New Jersey on Friday, according to the United States Geological Survey.

The temblor happened at 3:42 p.m. Eastern about 4 miles northeast of Whitehouse Station, N.J., or about 35 miles west of Manhattan, data from the agency shows.

As seismologists review available data, they may revise the earthquake’s reported magnitude. Additional information collected about the earthquake may also prompt U.S.G.S. scientists to update the shake-severity map.

Source: United States Geological Survey | Notes: Shaking categories are based on the Modified Mercalli Intensity scale. When aftershock data is available, the corresponding maps and charts include earthquakes within 100 miles and seven days of the initial quake. All times above are Eastern. Shake data is as of Friday, Jan. 30 at 3:59 p.m. Eastern. Aftershocks data is as of Friday, Jan. 30 at 5:58 p.m. Eastern.

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Alex Pretti shooting by federal agents in Minneapolis prompts DOJ civil rights probe

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Alex Pretti shooting by federal agents in Minneapolis prompts DOJ civil rights probe

People attend a candlelight vigil this week organized by health care workers at the site where Alex Pretti was killed in Minneapolis.

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One of two shooting deaths of U.S. citizens in Minneapolis by federal agents is the subject of a U.S. Department of Justice civil rights investigation.

The Civil Rights Division is investigating the Saturday killing of Alex Pretti, but not the shooting death earlier this month of Renee Macklin Good by federal agents in Minneapolis, Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche said in Washington on Friday.

Pretti was shot multiple times Jan. 24 as Border Patrol officers tried to arrest him while he was recording immigration officers on his phone.

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Blanche says the probe is separate from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security’s shooting investigation of the incident.

“It means talking to witnesses. It means looking at documentary evidence, sending subpoenas if you have to,” Blanche told reporters at a news briefing Friday on multiple topics. “And the Department of Justice, Civil Rights Division has the best experts in the world at this.”

Blanche gave no investigation timetable nor did he commit to the release of body camera footage of the agents. He said the department’s investigation would encompass events of that day as well as the days and weeks that preceded the Pretti shooting.

Under questioning, Blanche said the fatal shooting of Good isn’t receiving similar DOJ scrutiny.

“There are thousands, unfortunately, of law enforcement events every year where somebody is shot,” he said. “The Civil Rights Division of the Department of Justice does not investigate every one of those shootings. There has to be circumstances or facts, or maybe unknown facts, but certainly circumstances that warrant an investigation.”

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Federal officials have excluded Minnesota investigators from assisting with reviews of both shootings, leading to a state lawsuit that seeks to require evidence of the Pretti shooting be maintained. State authorities haven’t ruled out bringing charges against federal officers after completing their own investigations.

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Trump sues IRS and Treasury for $10 billion over leaked tax information

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Trump sues IRS and Treasury for  billion over leaked tax information

The Internal Revenue Service building May 4, 2021, in Washington.

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WASHINGTON — President Donald Trump is suing the IRS and Treasury Department for $10 billion, as he accuses the federal agencies of a failure to prevent a leak of the president’s tax information to news outlets between 2018 and 2020.

The suit, filed in a Florida federal court Thursday, includes the president’s sons Eric Trump and Donald Trump Jr. and the Trump organization as plaintiffs.

The filing alleges that the leak of Trump and the Trump Organization’s confidential tax records caused “reputational and financial harm, public embarrassment, unfairly tarnished their business reputations, portrayed them in a false light, and negatively affected President Trump, and the other Plaintiffs’ public standing.”

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In 2024, former IRS contractor Charles Edward Littlejohn of Washington, D.C. — who worked for Booz Allen Hamilton, a defense and national security tech firm — was sentenced to five years in prison after pleading guilty to leaking tax information about Trump and others to news outlets.

Littlejohn, known as Chaz, gave data to The New York Times and ProPublica between 2018 and 2020 in leaks that appeared to be “unparalleled in the IRS’s history,” prosecutors said.

The disclosure violated IRS Code 6103, one of the strictest confidentiality laws in federal statute.

The Times reported in 2020 that Trump did not pay federal income tax for many years prior to 2020, and ProPublica in 2021 published a series about discrepancies in Trump’s records. Six years of Trump’s returns were later released by the then-Democratically controlled House Ways and Means Committee.

Trump’s suit states that Littlejohn’s disclosures to the news organizations “caused reputational and financial harm to Plaintiffs and adversely impacted President Trump’s support among voters in the 2020 presidential election.”

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Littlejohn stole tax records of other mega-billionaires, including Jeff Bezos and Elon Musk.

The president’s suit comes after the U.S. Treasury Department announced it has cut its contracts with Booz Allen Hamilton, earlier this week, after Littlejohn, who worked for the firm, was charged and subsequently imprisoned for leaking tax information to news outlets about thousands of the country’s wealthiest people, including the president.

Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said at the time of the announcement that the firm “failed to implement adequate safeguards to protect sensitive data, including the confidential taxpayer information it had access to through its contracts with the Internal Revenue Service.”

Representatives of the White House, Treasury and IRS were not immediately available for comment.

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